Current Topics

New Zealand Tablet, Volume XVI, Issue 17, 17 August 1888, Page 1

Current Topics

AT HOME AND ABROAD.

AH AWXWABI AVFAIB.

It would seem that England has now got into a little war upon her Indian frontier that she may not find it very easy to get oat of. The Tibetans are giving proofi that they are a more formidable enemy in themselves, not to speak of complications that may other, wias arise, than it had been thought they would be. The war has occurred through the entrance of Tibetan trocps into Bikklm, a little State that, having at one time been subject to Tibet, had accepted a British protectorate some years ago, and when accordingly the Indian Government looked upon it as outrageous that the Tibetans, even at the invitation of the Bajah of the country, should intrude. To expel a tooop or two of «emi-barbariams should not be a difficult matter for the British troops, and the undertaking seemed at first sight to be but one of those events constantly occurring in connection with the occu* pation of British India. The Tibetans, nevertheless, have shown them. selves made of rather sterner stuff than might have been expected. They have shown themselves ready to action the offensive, and not to be wholly discouraged by a vigorous repulse. At a place called Gaatong, for example, they attacked the British camp, whose commander's instructions were not to pursue the enemy but to await' their onset and then act with deoision. These instructions were carried oat, and no moderation was obierved in the defence. The Tibetan loss was severe, aid for days afterwards their dead were found lying all round about the place. Still they did not give in or acknowledge themselves beaten. It begins to be suspected, in short, that nothing bat an invasion of their country and a march direct to Lhassa, their capital, will now bring matters to a satisfactory conclusion. A doubt, however, suggests itself as to whether a happy conclusion is even so to be reached . Lhassa is a sacred city, where the Dalai Lama has his head quarters, and to which the whole world or Buddhism looks with veneration. The Lamas, indeed, are the leaders in tbe trouble that has already arisen, and it is certain that thtt religious question enters strongly into the matter. Tbe expulsion of the missionaries and their converts from the border states, under the nominal government of China, is of itself sufficient to prove this. That, moreover, the matter | had been well weighed and the consequences duly taken into consideration is evident from the fact that strict commands were issued that no shedding of blood should take place. The Lamas clearly wished to keep a show of justice on their side, and to avoid all appearance of cruelty or extremes. la undertaking a hostile march on Lhassa, therefore, the British troops wauld not only have a most difficult country to cross, a country of great mountains, of deserts and severe climates, but would act in tbe face of the religious indignation and alarm of a great poition of the East. There is, besides, another consideration, always of seme force, and now of great importance, China and Tibet are closely bound together, not only in religious but political relationships. The provinces, for example, from which the Lamas have expelled the Christian missionaries, are strictly speaking Chinese provinces. An attack on Tibet, under the circumstances, would closely affect the Chinese empire and could hardly fail to lead to aerioua complications with that country. It is, then, serious news that the Tibetans show a disposition still to assert their right to Sikkim, and the little war undertaken to drive their troops across the frontier of that state may turn out to be an affair of greater moment Iban was expected .

A DOUBTFUL PBi.CE:

Thk certainty has been established, then, of European peace. While the Emperor William was closing his career, and the Emperor Frederick's feeble life hang in the balance, and there was some possibility of an alliance between France and Russia, matters were more doubtful* Europe sat almost listening for the sound of the first gun, and imminent war filled the mind of everybody. But the Emperor William 11. has succeeded to the less warlike policy of his grandfather, and he and the Czar hare established a league of peace. 60 far so good. Peace is a thing devojtly to be deiired, and no wise v prudent man can regret to see it established. A different view

nevertheless, may perhaps be taken of the situation by those who consider that the peace now established is one that rather favouii the interests of Bussia and Germany than one which bids fair to advance impartially those of all mankind. M. Arminius Vambery, for example, still continues to warn England that Bussia is pro* ceeding with sinister designs in Central Asia, and that, without due precaution she cannot expect even to be rightly informed as to the action and motives there of the encroaching.power. He advises that, with or without the goodwill of the Ameer, an English agency should be at once placed respectively at Herat and Candahar. M. Yambery condemns the indifference of the British publio to the underhand doings of the power referred to, and augurs from it the worst consequences. But even though Russia's intentions were as bad as ever they could be, and there can be no doubt, that, whether she plans a seizure of British India or not, she to determined to be the first of all Asiatic powers, and, even though England were fully informed of her intentions, what is there cow that can be done to check their fulfilment ? Does England's continued rale in India depend, indeed, on her prestige in the eyes of the Indian tribes and those of the bordering 1 states. The time is, perhaps, at hand when a practical answer may be returned to this question. This affair of Tibet seems to afford an opportunity for a decisive proof. In view of the Busio-German alliance which makes the Czar able to carry out whatever he desires to do in the East, what steps will England take in the matter that may influence the attitude of China towards her? Her relations with that country are already in some degree compromised, because of the Chinese question in these colonies. But, will she venture to make the risk still greater by an invaaion of Tibet? And, if she holds back, what will tbe result be 1 Must it not be a weakening of her prestige in Indian eyes, and in those of all the surrounding states? The peace, therefore, now established in Europe by the renewal of friendship between Russia and Germany, is a peace that has it 9 doubtful aspects. Whatever else may be its effects, it certainly frees the hands of Bussia so far as the Bast is concerned, and leaves hsr unembarrassed to establish herself as paramount in Asia. M. Yam* bery has shared the fate of the prophetess Cassandra, he has predicted one truth after ar other, to each and all of which a deaf ear has been turned. But now the time seems arrived at which, even though instant attention should be given to his forebodings, no good results could follow. Bussia now, if she will, may throw off the veil and act openly without fear of impediment. European peace, there* fore, means a predominance of the Muscovite power. Is it a thing on which wiße men may congratulate themselves ?

A. BIXMKFUL MEASURE.

In whose interests has the Native Land Bill been introduced and pushed forward by the Government ? We have no confidence that the interests taken into consideration were those of the colony generally, or that the promotion of settlement was the object held in view. The manner in which the lands in the possession of the Government are dealt with and the impediments hitherto thrown in the way of settlement have been sufficient to convince us to the contrary. Nor, indeed, are the prospects of settlement so pressing as to make it neceiaary to provide for the acquisition of fresh areas of land. Monopolists there may be, favoured individuals perhaps, who are desirous of entering on new possessions by means of which they may carry out the truditional design of the men in whose hands the fortunes of the colony have lain, and become millionaires and absentees. Bat, so far as a genuine population of Enropean settlers is concerned, the matter has nothing to do with them. Small settlers, the class of men needed for the development of the country, are not the men to deal with Maori owners, and may be placed altogether out of the question. Nor if it were otherwise would it be quite clear that the measure now under* taken was a just or wise one. The Maori baa a still greater claim to con. sideration than has the European immigrant, and to sacrifice the interests of the former to those of the latter would be grossly unjust But it is shamefnl to strip the Maories of their lands, for this Bill meang nothing else, providing, as it does, that the temptation to sell their lands made strong by it should become more urgent by the taxation it also provides for. The only excuse, in fact, for such legislation is the consideration that, as the Maori race is oertainly destined to die out in pretence of the white man, or ra.ther of the Anglo-Saxon, for other white races have proved less devastating iv their contact, they

«ay as well bo helped Jorward in tbeir decay. Whether the con•ldeiation is also added that it is not of very much consequence that the unfortunate race should die out as it falls from misery to misery, or ihoold be helped in dying out all the faster by the misery into which it has fallen, we cannot tell. But the sure result of this measure, if it become law, will be to reduce these unhappy people to pauperism, and to complete their degradation. Yet the Maories are by nature a fine race, capable of reaching a high condition of civilisation, We nave seen a great deal that is bad in the Government of New Zealand. We have seen a fine country stunted in its growth, impeded in settlement, snd devoted to monopolies, losing its people— with the open expression of a Premier's good will that they should go, and his hardly concealed aspiration— " J °y go with them." But the climax seems reached in this measure —certainly introduced in the interests of monopolists— of favoured Individuals, or, perhaps, of companies, less objectionable, for reasons nnexplained, than those giving promise of some general benefit in exchange for their land-grants, and which must not only permanently ■but out large areas from settlement and hinder immigration, as do other monopolies and other tactics in support of the millionaire, but threatens to reduce a population of some 30,000 people, already in the country ,and its original owners, to poverty and wretchedness. It is a measure that must mark the surrender of all hope for the Maori people, and, even if they were ignorantly to favour it, all true friends not only of theirs, but of humanity itself, should oppose it. To carry it in face of their mistrust or opposition, is an injustice, and even an infam transaction.

EQUIVOCAL FELICITATIONS.

Lobd Salisbury has been speaking at the Mansion House in London, where he has expressed himself as very much pleased with the state of things in general. His Lordship, es a matter of course, declares that the condition of Ireland in particular is all that anyone could wish it to be, and that he and his colleagues alone are to be thanked for the happy change. As an illustration of his Lordthip's truthfulness, we may take the resort that was had to Rome for aid in dealing with the Irish question, and in an attempt to obtain much more important aid than that which was given. It was not the mere condemnation of certain methods of procedure that wa 8 applied for, but a condemnation of the whole agitation for Home fcule. In fact, we may look upon the condemnation actually obtained as a grievous disappointment, since the more important application proved a failure, and only brought out the declaration that nothing would induce the Pope to interfere in the political bearings of the question. But it was with the political bearings of the matter the Tories desired the Pope to interefere. Its bearings as connected with morals are points on which they are indifferent at best. Or, if the truth were known, they would prefer to see the agitation accompanied by a good deal of crime, so that in this way they might Btir up prejudice againet it. Another matter that is not consistent with Lord Salisbury's declaration is the necessity under which his Government have felt themselves of packing a bench to try the case against Mr. Parnell and his colleagues, so as, if possible, to bring in a verdict of guilty. Without this verdict, it must be as plain to them as it is to all the rest of us that the Irish cause is gained, and the Parnellites have won the day. When Lord Salisbury, therefore, boasts of his success in dealing with Irish affairs we know how to take his words at their just value But as to foreign affairs, we are told that hiß Lordship has given ■atii faction on the Continent by bis utterance. And, certainly, on one point at least, he has spoken so as rather to please foreigne-s than to uphold the interests of the country whose government he administers. The promise, in fact, that England will at an early date, surrender Egypt, under the circumstances of the timas, appears to be about as weak a piece of foreign policy ai can well be imagined If ever there was a time when England could De held justified in declaring her establishment of a permanent protectoiate over Egypt, it is the present— and her failing to do so must be taken as anything rather than a sign cf strength or pre-eminence among the European powers. The dajs of the Turkish empire are evidently numbered. The alliance which has given to Russia the arbitrary decision of all that relates to the East has made tfeat an accomplished fact, and all that remains is for us to watch how the partition wiil be carried out when the hour has arrived on which th« powers that be shall settle.' Euasia is to obtain so much ; so much is to fall to the share of Austria' Can we look upon it as a wholesome token, therefore, that England •hould promise to relinquish what approtches the only equivalent she couli hope for ? Tbere seems to be one reasonable explanation only of this promise made by Lord Salisbury. It seems like a conciliation offered to France, so that an alliance might be renewed with her— the only alliance now possible by which the designs of the BussoGerman alliance might in some degree be checked. Lord Salisbury's speech, therefore, has its doubtful points, and, however it may please foreign powers, possesses little to recommend the speaker to the gratitude or confidence of the United Kingdom— to tbat of Great Britain any more than to that of Ireland, '