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HOME RULE MEETING AT WELLINGTON.

(From our own Correspondent.)

A meeting, which for enthusiasm has seldom been surpassed in Wellington, was held at the Opera House on Thursday, the t6th. inst, in favour of Home Rule for Ireland. There was a very large attendance, the Opera Housa being crowded, and Mr. P. A. Buckley, M.L.0., presided. Amongst the gentlemen on the stage were Archbiehop Redwood, Dr. Watters, Rev. Fathers McNamara, Devoy, KerrigW, Lane, Go?ghn, and Moore, Dr. Oah'l), and Messrs. 0. T. O'Connor, J. 0. M. Weale, P. Dunne, R. 0. Holcroft, J. J. Devine, J. J. Crofts, and a number of other gentlemen. Tbe Chairman in explaining the objects of the meeting, said : May it please your Grace, ladies and gentlemen. — When to-day I received an invitation to this meeting, I was in hopes that I might have the privilege of being a silent listener to some of the, no doubt, excellent speeches which we are to hear to night. But wherever there are Irishmen assembled for the purpose of showing sympathy with our own flesh and blood, with those who are dear to us in the old country, it is to me not only a duty but a pleasure to be present. The object of this meeting, as you are avrare, is to express sympathy with the people of Ireland in their endeavour to obtain Home Bale for their country. Now, by sympathy, I do not mean that cheap kind that is easily obtained in large quantities, bat I very much mistake, if I don't see before me many who have' expressed their sympathy with the old land in a most practical manner. lam committing no breach of confidence in saying that I know men and women in this town- who have deprived themselves of the actual necessaries of, life for the purpose of sending relief to the sufferers in the old land (loud applause). There are, no doubt, some of them here to night, and I know we have only to place the position before them, and before those who have not perhaps heretofore testified the practical part of the sympathy, to give it to us (applause). Now, if there is one quality which is more deeply implanted in an Irishman's heart than another, it is generosity. His generosity is proverbial, and though I, as an Irishman, should not. perhaps, say so. I think that feeling is as strongly implanted in an Irishman's nature as in any human being ; and Englishmen have no reason to complain of n want of generosity in the Irish, for there is not a victory which has beea obtained by England in which generous Irish blood baa not been spilt. I often wonder how : it is that Englishmen who pose before the world as the champions of freedom, should withhold the hand of friendship, should not go hand in hand with Ireland. I have often wondered that a people so generous ■hould withhold from others the justice withheld from Ireland for generations (applause). 1 don't intend to detain you by making a lengthy speech, but I should like to say a few words myself before calling on the other speakers. We are here for the purpose of expressing our sympathy with the old land. Her history is a sad one in whatever aspect we look at it. From the time of the landing of English invaders on the shores of Ireland up to the time of the so-called Union, her history is a sad one indeed, and while we can point to heroic bravery on the part of our countrymen, we present perhaps the saddest picture of any country on earth. Passing on to the time of the so-calle 1 Union, which was to be a panacea for everything, we find that those who, I can use no other expression, treacherously brought it about, fulfilled not a single promise for the benefit of the old country. What did we get by this Union, which we were told we would get, of the advantages which we were to share with the English people. The first thing we got was five Coercion Acts. That was our first instalment of the fruits of the Union. You would, perhaps, like to know what coercion is. I was asked to say what is coercion, and I said the best answer I could give was that it was coercion. But I will try to explain to you this evening, what a Coercion Act is,and coercion had many of them. The definition given in the statute book is, I believe "an Act for the repression of crime in Ireland." But it is an Act for increasing and creating crime that never existed previously. Crimes are made by act of Parliament that never existed except in the minds of the framers of the Act (applause). En the first place, I should point out in regard to this Act for the prevention of crime in Ireland that as soon as one Act expired others were passed, and thus it is that Ireland is governed by different laws from that of the rest of tbe kingdom (applause). She is specially treated by these Crimes Acts. Power is given to the Lord Lieutenant to create a special commission ; he has power to proclaim certain districts, power to suppress certain newspapers and certain meetings, aud he has the farther power of changing the plice of trial of a man charged with one of these " crimes," and really the classes of crimes are many and varie 3. I will tell you a ludicrous instance I remember reading of. A number of lads — j they were called miscreants — averaging about 12 years of age, who went through a sort of foolery or play, were arrested by a passing policeman and were charged with " inciting a riot " and I dont know what other crimes (laughter and applause). Another instance was that of a lad who was hauled up before a sapient justice of the peace, ard when the constable arreeting him was examined as to the charge, he had to admit that the lad had only whistled " Harvey Duff " at him (langbter). There was another advantage in these Coercion Acts for the repression of crime, aud that was that they created a number of agents of the Clifford Lloyd stamp, and I need not point out to you how that class of men have driven our countrymen almost to the verge of destruction (applause). Now we pass on to tbe subject we are met here tonight to discuss. The history of the time of O'Connell is ao donbt known to you as well as to me. They are sad pictures, of the present age. Passing, on wo come to what may be considered as nearer and closer to our own times, and to what are known as the attempts to pass the Land Acts in the country. Between the years 71, and 80, no fewer than 28 of these Acts were introduced, and they were all rejected. One got so far as the House of Lords and was then ignominioußly tnrown out (applause). Ib is said that Home Rule is for the benefit of the Catholic party in Ireland ; I need not say that is an unfounded assertion. I need not tell you

the great majority of Irishmen are Catholics to the heart's core, bat neither need I tell you tb at this ia an Irish National affair, and amongst the leading men we hare had in Ireland, and the noblest of her heroes the greater number were not Catholics (prolonged applause). Isaac Butt was a Protestant, and have we not to-day a nan whose very name is sufficient to cause the heart of every Irishman to vibrate -r Charles Stewart Parnell ? (enthusiastic applause). lam happy to say that the nation of Englishmen who hare been parposely misinformed, and who have misunderstood her position, are now changing their minds, and when we see that grand old man, Gladstone (prolonged applause and cheers) taking his place in our ranks, and inch men at the Marquis of Ripon and the Bail of Aberdeen (applause), all three of them enjoying the confidence of the Irish people, aad wnen we we these great men giving their influence in favour of local self govern* ment for Ireland, the day is not far distant when the silver lining of tho black clouds will appear, and Ireland will get the justice to which she is entitled (loud applause), I will call upon Dr. Oahill to move the first resolution.

[Dr. Oahill's speech was fully reported in oar last issue.] Mr. C. Y. O'Connor in seconding the resolution, said :— Mr. Otiair* man, ladies and gentlemen, — I have been asked within the last few minutes to second this resolution which Dr.Cahill basso eloquently laid before you. The gentleman who was to second the resolution has been unable to attend. I have therefore been asked to simply second it in a formal manner. lam not expected to make a speech, as I have had no time for preparation. I would wish, however, to express my own feelings — I am sure they are those of everyone here present— in saying, lest there should be any misconception as regards the wording of the resolution, that in ex Dressing our sympathy with the people of Ireland in their endeavour to obtain Home Bale we do not associate ourselves in any way with some of the, transactions that have occurred nominally in connection with Home Bale l - that, in fact, the Home Rule movement has no sympathy with crime under any circumstances (hear, hear, and loud applause), It would not have occurred to me to say that had I not been told that some people disliked the form of tha resolution, because in expressing sympathy so far 1 it might be that wo would be said to be expressing sympathy with everything that, in some people's minds, is associated with this movement. I should like, also, to point out to those people who consider if Home Bale is granted to Ireland it will mean the annihilation of the Empire, that there has not been a single argument brought against the proposal for Home Bule but was brought against the granting of Catholic Emancipation. Every argument as to its producing disloyalty and disintegration has been brought against the proposal to grant Catholic Emancipation when it was first brought forward. I ask if anyone now believes it was injudicious to grant that Emancipation. Would any man of the present day support the contention that the practice of the religion of nine- tenths of -the Irish people was criminal ? The popular feeling has gone ages beyond such an opinion (applause). There is just one thing I should like to mention which has not been touched on by the other speakers. It is frequently asked :—": — " What does Ireland want Home Bule for ? " In answer to that it is necessary to give a short history of what led to the present condition of affairs in Ireland. About seven hundred years ago the English rule in Ireland commenced, when the English came over to intervene in local squabbles which occurred between the chiefs of the country, and thus they gradually obtained a footing in the coantry. Those they came to aid, out of gratitude for their services, gave them lands, and these lands were from time to time extended, until a large area got into the hands of tbe English. Disagreement then arose between the English settlers and the Irish people, and the English received fresh reinforcements from their own country, and these in turn were provided with confiscated lands. These confiscations occurred from time to time in the way I have described, particularly in the reigns of Queen Elizabeth, of Cromwell, and of William of Orange. Immense estates were given away to Englishmen who had no interest whatever in Ireland, and who nevsr meant to live there, and not only to Englishmen but to Dutch* men also, and this is the cause of the great evil we are now suffering from in the shape of absenteeism. Absenteeism is one of the greatest evils any country can suffer from, as it not only drains the coantry of the rents to pay the landlords, but also deprives the country of the beneficial influence of the higher classes. Moreover, it is not in human nature to be so abominably cruel as to stand by and see what I have seen done in Ireland on behalf of landlords living far beyond the reach of the scenes where they are enacted, if they knew- the true account of what was being done in their names (applause). We all know it is one thing to hear of suffering at a distance, if our eyes are shut to it and we do not actually realise it, and another thing to see it enacted in our own view (applause). A landlord would not permit the things that are done in his name to go on for his own aggrandisement, if he could only see the suffering entailed. The result of absenteeism was to create a class of agents for the landlords who farmed out the land and let it to the highest bidder, and whose only care was to get the greatest possible renc for it, without regard to common feeling, the poverty of the people, or any other considera* tion whatever (hear, hear, and applause). The suppression of Irish manufactures in the time of James I. and the following reigos, had ' the effect of confining the industry of the people almost exclusively to that of agriculture, and the consequence was to promote a most keen competition for the land, where people, whose only source of livelihood it was, were willing to pay a far higher price than it was worth whether it could posaibly return them their money or not. The effect was inevitably to place these people who had promised to pay these enormous rents almost body and soul in the hands of tneugenta (applause). The agents' duty was to get these reuts, and not only that, but every stiver which, by a system of espionage, he could extract from them, leaving them barely enough to keep body and soul together, and that is the result of what is known as tenancy at will. What hope, what prospect can there be for any man placed in the position of tenaut at will ? There is no room f n industry, enterprise, or intelligence; Whether he works hard or not, whether he is intelligent or stupid, tbe most he can get out of the land he\ rents is a bare living, and if by tremendous luck he manages to produce any more than he has promised to pay, what is the result 1

Simply that the rent is raised (loud applause). Can we wonder that a people who hare Buffered under wrongs like these for generation after generation, when they applied te, as they thought a paternal Governtneat to set things right, and were continually told that they were always grumbling, always discontented, and that "it was the nature of the beast " (laughter)— can we wonder I say, that the Irish people should say to the Government, " You have made an awful mess of this, give us the chance of governing ourselves, because it is certain that we can't do worse than you have done " ? I take that to be the position with reference to Ireland's cry for Home Rule. The country has got into a most desperate condition, which the ordinary laws are unable to get it out of —a condition which requires desperate remedies in proportion to the deplorable state of things, remedies which almost amount to what is considered the partial confiscation of property (applause). But we must think of these millions of people who are in such a state, that it is a scandal and a disgrace any people should be in. Some great remedy is required to alleviate the condition of these people, and the Irißh see, and I believe the greatest legislators in England and Scotland agree with them, that the remedy needful to bring about a proper state of things cannot be granted by a Parliament of tbe United Kingdom, but must be dealt with by a local one (prolonged applause). That, I believe, is the reason why Home Bale is required at the present time, and so far as I have indicated, and on account of its absolute necessity, it has my cordial wisheg, (applause). I was going to treat upon another subject, but I have already takenup too much time'("no, no, " "go on "), and will content myself with simply cordially seconding the resolution proposed by Or. Cahill, with the amendment that nothing can be further from any of our thoughts, than sympathising with anything in the nature of crime (hear, hear, and cheers). The next speech was that of bis Grace the Archbishop, also fully reported by us in our last issue.

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Permanent link to this item

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/periodicals/NZT18880330.2.35

Bibliographic details

New Zealand Tablet, Volume XV, Issue 49, 30 March 1888, Page 25

Word Count
2,837

HOME RULE MEETING AT WELLINGTON. New Zealand Tablet, Volume XV, Issue 49, 30 March 1888, Page 25

HOME RULE MEETING AT WELLINGTON. New Zealand Tablet, Volume XV, Issue 49, 30 March 1888, Page 25