Current Topics AT HOME AND ABROAD.

New Zealand Tablet, Volume XIII, Issue 2, 1 May 1885, Page 1

Current Topics AT HOME AND ABROAD.

BUINOUS PO.tCY. J

England must be increased and renewed from time to time. England, then, is about to take part in a great war, whose extent or fortunes it is impossible to foresee, or else she isabout to make concessions that must necessitate the strengthening of her European forces in the East, and their maintenance there, in increased force, indefinitely. The policy that will enable her, therefore, to provide for such a necessity is that which preserves under her sceptre a manly and 5*5 * naturally military population, increasing yearly in prosperity and contentment — but with this the depopulation of Ireland and coercive legislation are totally inconsistent.

AN AWKWARD NECESSITY,

checking the advance of the victorious hosts may, probably, in some degree, act as a positive defeat would on the mind of the Mahomme- , dan world, and encourage in it the spirit of opposition to Christian predominance that is so ready to make itself felt. It may even produce some fruits in India where we are told the course of the Mahdi's outbreak is anxiously watched, and where, if rejected as a Prophet) he has the sympathy of the members of his creed as a' Mussulman leader who has won success in the Mahommedan cause.

A GROWN-PROSE-CUTOR ON - BECUfiABISM

HIGHLY DI3GBACBFUL.

and that the consequences of such deeds may be described as a persecution of the Irish poor.— These are facts that tell but little in favour of the English public, and that reflect alike badly upon their justice and their common sen Be. — It is indeed, a gross injustice t punish the innocent for the guilty, and it is gross folly to suppos that by driving a large population to desperation deeds of violence may be suppressed. — But we find it stated frequently now-a-days, in tones that are at once boasting and threatening, and which are disgraceful to those whom they distinguish, that a hatred of the Irish exists among the English masses, and that it requires a slight . matter only to excite it to outward manifestations. — As to the credit this does to the English masses we need hardly waste many words in discussing that. Hatred of a fellow-creature whether it be suppressed or active is a detestable sentiment, and those who cherish it must rank with the lowest of their kind. The paragraph, meantime, to which we have alluded contains a very important sentence— it i s the following : — But the" Donovan Rossas survey this destitution and misery with supreme indifference ; for every explosion brings in ' more subscriptions for themselves to fatten on." — The persecution, then, of the Irish in England is absolutely groundless ; they are innocent themselves and their punishment cannot aff act the guilty. — Verily, as our boasting journalists tell us, the hatred cherished by the English masses is easily excited to its manifestation.— We learn, moreover, that it has been admitted that the explosion of dynamite most recently reported here, that at the Admiralty and by which Mr. a Swainson was injured, was the r suit of private malice— and, if that"! has been discovered to have been so, why may not others that have taken place be ascribed to a like motive 1 There are many causes, in fact, to which the explosions that have occurred may be attributed, and all as likely to prove true, as that Irishmen have been the conspirators. — For as to the frautic denunciations of o'Donovan Rossa we, for our part, have never attributed the slightest importance to them, beyond their showing how an unfortunate lucatio may gain the attention and excit e the alarm of people professing a more than ordinary degree of sense and courage, when his ravings fall in with their prejudices. Mr. Paroell and his colleagues have most decidedly done right and ac'ed mo3t wisely in refaining from making any formal condemnation of the dynamitards, for» by doing so, they would imply that these men belonged to a party whom they could influence, and therefore they must compromise the national party, ani Irishmen generally. But now we find it admitted that Irish nationalism is not without exception at the bottom of these outrages. The explosion at the Admiralty has proved so much and authorised us to assign some other cause to them. The discoveries, moreover, in connection with the detective department in Paris, to which we have already referred'in our columns htd given reason for the belief that, so far as the Irish element was at all present in this conspiracy, ie had 'been, merely made use of there to bide its real nature, as well a«, perhaps, to gain for the foreign secret societies some means of obtaining a hold upon the Irish people. Aud now, we find another explanation of the matter given in a socialist publication called Tlie Commonweal and supported by Vanity Fair, a paper that cannot be accused of favouring Ireland or the Irish cause in even the slightest degree. The Commonweal referring to the dynamite outrages, is quoted as follows. — " 1. That, considering the ridiculous 'disproportion between the attempts and their resultß, it is not likely that this form of fanaticism would continue, unless the perpetrators were the tools of some persons whose purposes these proceedings were likely to serve. 2. That Russia has ong been anxious to get an Extradition Treaty from England which should make no exception in favour of political offenders. 3. That on the morning of Saturday, the 21th January, the London papers published the Extradition Treaty between Russia and, Prussia. 4. That on the same Saturday the explosions took place at Westminster and at the Tower. 5. That on the Monday the Daily News responded to this Russian Invitation saying : — ' The detection of the Dynamiters is .... really a matter which can only be satisfactorily dealt with by international action.'" — Concerning all this Vanity Fair makes the following commeats. "In this suspicion The Commonweal is neither unjust nor illogical. In September, 1842, Louis, Philippe and his Cabinet discovered that the Russian Embassy haaj supplied monty for the Work men's Insurrection in France. Of course^ the French Government had to apologise for making such a discovery. How the Daily News expects ' international action ' to stop the Dynamitards I cannot guess, unless it supposes that their persons are known to some foreign Government which will either betray them to ours or persuade them to stop their operations. Madame de Novikoff has openly rejoiced in the explosions, and has expressed a hope that England will now accede to Russia's demands." We may conclude, then, that to persecute the Irish poor in England because of th«se explosions is unjust in the very last degree. If they be the work of Irishmen at all, they are that of a cjass of men. who, so far from being patriotic, are indifferent to every human consideration : who have in, view only the accomplishment of their own selfish ends, as would be the case with O'Donovan Rosssa, supposing him to have anything at all to do vrith the matter, which is doubtful, in wildly avenging the sufferings he endured in prison and gaining for

himself a notoriety that only a maiiaj could desire; who are the. members, and in some degree, the dupas of Continental Sicialism, and who are recognised by the great body of the Irish people as being their enemies in act, and still more in intension, siaci they desire to introduce Socialism ani Nihilism into Irelaid. There are again grounds, as we see, to believe that the outrages are of an altogether different origin, and in no manner, howsoever remote, connected with Ireland. On the whole, tbeu, nothing can be more opposed to justice and nothing more opposed to common sense than to visit these crimes upon the Irish in England. The true motive for such an action must be alone the hatred that has been boasted of, and which must disgrace the English public in the eyes of all right-thinking men

ÜBRFDL HOSTILITY.

all their resolutions the minds of the Irish people. If the need of an Irish Parliament is shown by such transactions in the House of . Commons the lessoa taught is well learned in Ireland, and will be acted on there until the end is gained. Tne Speaker, therefore, does not lose his temper in vain, although the results may prove somewhat different from those which he would desire to see.

AN AWKWABD QUESTION.

whether it was proposed to renew the Irish Grimes Act. — Mr. Gladstone replied that it was not the intention of Government to give any information on the subject until they saw their way clearly in the matter.— And we may reasonably conclude that at the time at which the Prime Minister spoke he looked through a very dark glass indeed, upon the possibilities of the case.— Even then the RusßoAfghan question was occupying a place in his mind, and doubtless he fore-saw all that-, despite his utmost efforts, and all the concessions he would be inclined to make, might arise in connection with it. — Already indeed, an earnest had been given him of what he must expect for it is acknowledged that before that time the Government had requested that Russia would withdraw her troops f iom the disputed territory and had been met with a flat refusal, which they

seem to have accepted without remoustrance.— Mr. Gladstone, then in reply to Mr. Lewia'j qjestion could hare given no definite answer even had he been well inclined to do so.— lf all went well, no doubt, coercion in Ireland would ba renewed.— With the fortunes of the expedition to the Soudan prospering, and the dispute with Russia set at rest, all would be in trim to continue the iron-hand in Ireland —But, otherwise, with the star of the Mahdi still in the ascendant,' or the difficulties of the Busao-Afghau affair unsettled or increasing it might be found inconvenient to encourage disaffection among the Irish people,and the number of troops necessary to carry on that work with safety could not be spared.— Mr. Gladstone was sorely puzzled * and in all sincerity knew not what to reply.— And even as it i a matters seem still in as d oubtful a condition. The Soudan riddle still remains unsolved, and whether the Russo-Afghan question is to be settled with honour or humiliation we know not. It may, then, for aught we can tell, prove to be once more the fate of England to enter upon battlefields deserving of the name, and there to acquit herself whether victorious or conquered, with credit, and in a manner worthy of a great people, whose history covers many of the most honourable pages in the history of nations. Or it may be her fortune to content herself with that lesser part that of late years we have seen her alone play— the part of bullying Ireland and acting as the execntioner of savages and barbarians, the useful executioner in many instances, we admit, of savages and barbarians deserving to be executed. But, if England now quarters the white feather on the Union Jack, or surmounts with that graceful plnme the crown on the royal arms, let us at least hope that we shall hear no more in the strain of the Jingoes, no more of her unconquerable nature and endless resources in war. The white feather, meantime, would make an admirable, and most consistent, show on the standard under which Ireland s hould be coerced, for it cannot be denied that, as Dean Swift also asserted, eleven men fully armed can very thoroughly thrash one poor fellow stripped to his shirt. For auch a valiant conquest as this no standard could be more appropriate than that bearing the white feather. We can well understand, therefore, that Mr. Gladstone was perplexed by Mr. Lewis's question, and wholly unable to answer it. It was an awkward question, involving much that was uncertain and doubtful under many aspects.

GEBMANY AND EUSSIA.

claimed that the peace of Europe was secure just before a loan was coming oat. Vast masses of the stock, then, are held by means of borrowed money by the capitalists and financial institutions <tf Germany, and they would topple like a house of cards if a serious war were to break out." If a war does break out, nevertheless, we may be confident that it will not be to the interest of the Emperor and Pnnce Bismarck to take such a part in connection with it as to rain the German capitalists whom they have themselves encouraged to speculate. Their influence under the circumstances might naturally have been looked for as exercised ia favour of the preservation of peace, but of that we have as yet heard nothing, the only utterance on the subject credibly reported as having been made by either of the great men alluded to being that in which the Emperor William hoped that England might be induced to make some concessions, and which also tended to show a disposition inclining towards the Bussian side. Failing their efforts, then, to maintain peace, it may be very rationally supposed that the Emperor and Prince Bismarck are desirous of a war that shall result in favour of RussiaThis article in the Saturday Jtevi&iv we confess go: 8 also to strengthen our opinions. '