Current Topics AT HOME AND ABROAD.

New Zealand Tablet, Volume XII, Issue 52, 17 April 1885, Page 1

Current Topics AT HOME AND ABROAD.

HOPE FOR THE HISEBABLE.

ment there may also enter the performance of one particular act of justice and mercy so fa: undone — an act for whose accomplishment alone a humane aud civilised nation might well take •up arms against her. We allude to the emancipation of Poland. The condition of this unfortunate country uuder the rule of its tyrant still continues such as to form a reproach not only to the infamous power by which it is enforced, but to the whole of Europe that suffers it. In its favour alone no voice has been raised, of late years, and, while in every other case oppression has been vigorously protested against or successfully resisted — nay,"vhen even cases in which there was no shadow of oppression have been made the object of a loudly expressed sympathy, or substantial aid, the most cruel, inevitable, and real sufferings of the Poles have been passed over in silence. We are told that Russia is, in fact, a weak power, that her internal rottenness makes all her appearance of strength vain, and that she will not be found a formidable enemy. But for the Poles, she has proved strong as she has been merciless, and in their own country under her wicked hands they lead a life that it is hardly an exaggeration to describe as a living death. Their only hope, they tell us now, is that they may be allowed to live. The power that is weak, and that we shall, perhaps, fortunately see prove weak, before an external enemy> is all too Btrong towards them, and when they are asked why they no longer think of resisting it they point in despair to the forts and batteries that have been erected to subdue them. Even the spirit of the Poles that had done and dared so much is at length broken, and all they think of asking is that no heavier a burden may be laid upon them. But what a history of infamy has not that of the Russians been in connection with them. Everything that the tyrant and persecuter could do is engraven on its pages, and Czar after Czar seems to vie with the memory of his predecessor as to the reputation he may bear for cruelty inflicted upon this people. The chronicle!?, for example, of the late Emperor's reign, are stained most foully by the records of his dealings with Poland, In every shape in which cruelty could be visited upon them it was practised by his emissaries, and, in particular, some of the proceedings carried on Vith respect to the religion of the people would seem outrageous beyond belief even if related of some pagan persecuter. It was nothing that the people should be sabred as they knelt within tbe walls of their churches — finding no safety even there from tbe horse-soldiers who 'rode in through the open doors to put them to the sword; • But a more atrocious deed was done when the Blessed Sacrament was thrust down theeir throats on the point of the bayonet. Slaughter, sacrilege, infamy ten thousandfold stains the memory of the miserable Alexanderll, and if he went to his grave the victim of bloody murder, there had gone there before him thousands whose death at his hand had been no less guilty and no less horrible. Outrage of every kind lies at the door of his memory, and his successor, short as has been .his troubled reign, gives signs that he has no intention of departing from the paths in which his father walked. Alexander 111. is also Zealot in persecuting the Church, and, while under his rule it is not lawful for any Catholic bishop in Poland to hold a visitation, the very sacrament of Penance itßelf is placed trader the supervision of the police, and tbe priest who hears a confession or gives absolution without being duly authorised is liable to transportation to Siberia. The Czar, in the matters that concern religion, gives full evidence that he is of one mind with his father, and years alone are needed by him to serve the Orthodox. Church of which he is the head as well. In other matters, meantime, he has gone further than his father and completed the work begun by ihim. A ukase, for example, was issued on the subjection of the insurrection of 1863, by which it was provided that no Pole could own, buy, or inherit lend — and ever since has continued in foree — the Emperor, however, finding that, in consequence of the embarrassments of those Russians who had become possessed of the lands of Poland, the Poles td a large extent ha i become mort-

gageescf these lands, has lately issue 1 another ukase forbidding such mortgages and annulling all that had baen made — a measure that robs these unfortunate people anew and consummates their ruin. They may, indeed, utter the sole wish to be allowed so much as. to live, but it is to be feared that their wish is nttered in vain. The country, then, that shall conquer Rus9ia will have it in her piwer to perform this great act of justice and mercy— to free this country whose wrongs cry to Heaven for vengeance, from, th? hands of her infamous oppressor — or, even if she fails to undertake this noble action, Bhe may still so weaken the power of Russia, as to make it possible for the Poles themselves to work out their freedom, as their efforts already made sbow us they are capable of doing under circumstances in any degree favourable to them. Should a war with Russia, therefore, occur we shall watch it with great interest, discerning in each reverse the chastisement due to the past, as well as hope for Poland's future. It may even fall to the lofc of these colonies by thwarting Russian designs in some respect or other to have a part in so great' and good a work.

WOBDS OF COMPORT,

Times. Meantime, we remain of the opinion that, in event, the no very threatening event we admit, of a visit from a Russian cruiser, nnlesa we were fully prepared to receive it, we should have ample opportunity, for learning by experience the meaning of that past participle, which experience once taught the French, that is the word cottaque. Whatever be the rules of civilised warfare the scratched Buseian will be able to find room enough to make himself very disagreeable, and we should prefer to ccc colonial goods sold in some other market. Although of course, our Tartar friend will be on the losing side, and obliged to pay the piper.

SIB JULIUS PBOVES BXHABKABLT CIVIIi.

A. MOST "'UMBLB " BEBVANT.

allude to, are but composed oE men, and show all men's weaknesses as well as their better points. The Italian Government and the Press that supportsjit, then,',have lately been full of admiration for England Such a glorious, magnanimous, and, above all, munificent people »s the English had never before been heard of. Italy, from the first moment of her existence had idolised them, and desired nothing better than to frame all her institutions on those prevailing among them, to adopt all their ways, their very climate, perhaps, and certainly to exchange her maccaroni for their roast beef and plum pudding — though she would probably be permitted to enjoy these delicacies more in an Italian form. All these expressions of gratitude, delight, and admiration were made in connection with the consent of England that Italy should occupy Massowah, and the expectation entertained by Italy that England would accept her aid in the attemp to overthrow the Mahdi. It was discovered, in fact, that Italy had extensive and important interests in North Africa, and that she and England were nature's chosen allies in this respect. Italy that cannot rule her own house, whose revolution has issued in the most deplorable state of things, whose population starves under an excess of taxation amounting frequently to 50 per cent., and all whose robberief. —down to the most receut and possibly the most infamous of all» that of the Propaganda— have failed to do more than enrich, a crowd of hungry officials, Italy thirsts for foreign conquests, and longs for rich possessions abroad. But what more natural than that the class, who have plundered every thing on which they could lay their hands at home, should long for an opportunity of extending their raids into other lands, and should spare no excess of flattery and adulation that they thought conducive to secure the aid of an ally by whose assistance they could attain to such an end. For this was the meaaing of all the mawkish and fulsome praise lavished on England, and from this praise and these expectations we may judge of the view that Italians really take of England's objects in occupying Egypt and undertaking the pacification of the Soudan. When England, on the other hand, went first to Egypt, and Italy as yet had formed no expectations we may remember how there was much talk of an Italian expedition to aid Arabi, and which would probably have been organized had it not been found that the undertaking would have involved danger— a matter that our loud-boasting Italians do not care much about. And even now, since the expectations formed in connection with this African expedition have met with some check* and the offer of Italy was not received as eagerly by England as it was made, the tone of the Press has in some degree changed, and, as we were told a couple of years ago that Arabi was the Garibaldi of Egypt, so now we are informed that the Mahdi represents that hero in the Soudan. Within the last month or so, however, matters have taken a turn that may yet lead to the alliance that Italy so highly desires, and it is quite possible that the diversion made in the Mahdi's favour may prove premature. Should a conflict with Russia really ensue the Italian alliance will probably be formed, and the hordes of the Bond in will probably be kept in check, if not pursued and encountered, by Italian troops. It is likely, then, that the utterances of statesmen and journalists in the Peninsula may have resumed their strain of admiration for England, and that their expec pectations of making a profitable bargain in the matter are still high. The satisfaction to be derived, however, by England from the praise and adulation lavished on her under such circumstances is somewhat doubtful. They are mercenary strains alone.

A " BOOSSIAN " IN DISO-TJISE.

possibly be found. Somebody, in. fact, has forwarded to us from Gundagai, in New South Wales, what purports to be a little more than a pen'oith of propheecy — for, in estimating its value, we must reckon, besides the penny 6tamp, the envelope, the wear and tear of the pen, and the ink spent in writing the address, as well as the sheet of paper and the printer's ink made use of in printing. As prophecy, although we are not the least deceived in. receiving it as genuinely intended for such, the production is of the usual kind. — The Pope occupies a large part in it, and tlie prophets, we may remark in passing, owe an immense deal to the Pqnc. Without the Pope they would be left like puppy -doga without the moons, The unsophisticated puppy-dog, as we all know, occupies his hours of idleness at night by barking at the moon, and the Prophet by day or night finds employment for the idle hands, that Satan must otherwise monopolise in some other way,by writing high sounding words concerning the Pope. If there were no moon the puppy-dog could not bark at it and the chaste Dian is thus the puppy's charming friend. The Pope stands in somewhat the same relation to the prophet, and as the puppy-dog is related to the moon so is the prophet to the Pope. We have besides in this pretended prophecy the usual jumble of toes, and kingdoms, and days, and weeks, and years, and time times and a half, and all the rest of it. We have evea that proof that the Babylon of revelation cannot mean Rome because the only Roman export is cement, a moat convincing proof we must admit, but not original to the pretended prophet of Chindagai, since we

certainly read the same proof in just such a prophetic utterance now more than thirty years ago, but of this more anon. Is our Prophet's name by the way, R. W. Perkins ? For under the title of the publication we find this name written, as that of the author, with a pen ? BntPerkinoff or Perkinovich might, for purposes of espionnage, be so mutilated, and, as we said we have reason to believe that this is no genuine prophecy but a publication intended to make the way smooth for our Russian invaders. Our suspicions, moreover, are strengthened by finding written also with a pen on Ihe margin in a certain place, that after the overthrow of England it is strictly prohibited by Holy Writ that any resort shall be had to arms. Englishmen are to submit to their defeat and meekly accept their new position of Russian serfs. So boasts our Ferkinoff , revealing once more his true character. But the whole document is so composed as to turn the hearts of colonists against England. She is to be the first of those ten toes irretrievably to fall. And that we should live to hear England compared to a toe, an irretrievably fallen toe 1 She the head, nay, tbe very topping of the whole universe ! " Not whilst England shall endure " we are told again "will Christianity pervade the earth." And yet, again ,' England's present greatness is anything but a proof of God's approbation, ' and, then, it is insisted upon that England is the ' Modern Babylon.' because Borne only exports cement, as we have seen. — But surely here the climax is capped. And now let us see how our pretended prophet, the wily Perkinovich, deals with Russia. The Greek Church, he Avails us, will be the last to be overthrown. Of Protestantism meanwhile, English Protestantism especially, he has a very poor opinion. 41 The clergy," he says, " seem as greedy of filthy lucre, and to covet to enjoy the good things of this life as other folk ; and materialism and unbelief are rapidly spreading and everywhere abound ; and such is the disunion, dissention, and antagonism amongst the profeßsing Christian community, that it needs a second advent to reestablish the truth." Our prophet, as we see, and herein we and a fresh proof of his double -dealing, since he can seem so very foolish, iB not altogether a fool. This Protestantism, then, falls first of all, and after it the Catholic Churcb. Tbe Greek Church however endures to tbe last, a mark of its superior vitality that we might well find put forward as a bait by a Russian emissary. But our Perkinoff reserves the crowning glory for the Russian hosts, who shall prove victorious until Heaven itself openly and immediately contends against them. Could the proudest son of the House of Romanoff itself mate a louder boast on behalf of his armies than this ? Oh ( Perkinoff, Perkinoff, our eyes are opened to you. Under the pretence of a prophetic utterance and with all the authority of Holy Writ, you are seeking to seduce British colonists from their allegiance and to prepare the way for the successful invasion of the Muscovite We recommend you to the attention of the gallant volunteers of New South Wales, and, if they do not occupy themselves with you, ao one else need bother his head about your senseless rigmarole.

SEBIOTJS CONSIDERATIONS.

£100,000 for their services, and whose labours nevertheless, have resulted in placing the English navy in a condition which would only have been intelligible had it been built under foreign control.— Sir Edward claims to have foretold the fate of the Captain so exactly that the late Duke of Marlborough and the present Lord Derby were forcibly reminded of his paper by the description given of the catastrophe when it had actually occurred. But the case of the Captain was a mere trifle in comparison with the state of things that now exists and has to be remedied. " Has to be emedied, I say," writes Sir B'.lward, " for whereas the fate of one ship and the lives of 500 officers and men were involved in tbe Captain's case, the fate of 10 ships, and of 6,000 to 8,000 men, is involved in the present case, and so involved that it can only manifest itself in the hour of battle and of national necessity, when their bodily overthrow would compromise the very safety of the State itself." The particular matter at fault is the armour of the ten ship ß of the largest class to which the writer alludes, and concerning which he .sViys :—": — " Sir, I have to state, and am prepared to demonstrate to any^ competent tribunal, that there is not one of these ten ships, the latest added to the British Navy, that cannot be either capsized and sunk, or sunk without capsizing, without any shot or shell whatever being directed against those parts of the ship which [are armoured." And again, he writes, " Sir, I write this more in sorrow than in anger, for I confess that although I am well aware that the Navy is subject, under our system, to the varying fancies and follies of the political members of the Board, who enter and leave it in swift succession; I am at an utter loss to understand how a man like Admiral Sir Cooper Key can have failed to protect his own great and glorious service from the appalling prospects which the introduction of these wretched mongrel ships has opened up. I should have thought ibat the prospect of British ship after ship capsizing in battle, before their armour had been violated or even touched, and in the presence of a cheering and jeering enemy fighting in really

armoured ships, would have been one against which he, at least, would have set his face with a determination that none could impair. But those of us who looked to him for help have looked in vain! The day may come, and may even be near— which God forbid !— -when the present betrtyal of our, Navy by a set of politicians, admirals, and constructors, may wring from us. a cry which the very ends of the earth will hear." Sir Edward Reed, then, appeals to the readers of bis letter not to regard him as speaking under the influence of exaggerated fear, and he goes on to quote the opinions of several high naval authorities who coincide perfectly in his views, His conclusion is as follows :— " It will not be denied that, apart from politics, apart from foreign outlooks, apart from all passing fears and apprehensions, this is a most critical time for the Navy of this country and for the Empire which it is charged to protect. The fighting ships built of wood and propelled by sails, to tbe perfection of which all the long centuries of the past had contributed, have been swept away. Steel and steam and newly -devised gunpowders and gun-cotton and dynamite have become tbe means and instruments of naval warfare, and there ia laid upon the British Admiralty the great, the immeasurable responsibility of seeing that under these altered conditions the Navy of this country is not surpassed or left behind from any cause whatever or in any part whatever. If I saw them nobly striving to acquit themselves of this high duty, I would gladly, knowing something of what the duty involves, applaud and assist them in every way. But I have for some time feared, I have since become convinced, and I now publicly assert, that they are unequal to the work they have undertaken and have become a source of grave national danger. Knowing that, in armoured ships at least, size is, as Mr. Baroaby says, a fair measure of power, they have carefully made our ships inferior to others in this primary quality. They have followed this up by with* holding from these inferior ships even the defences which they could quite well have carried. They have not only stripped our ships of armour, and so exposed them to gun destruction, bnt they have offered, andjare still offering them up as prey to the torpedo, and telling the seamen who are to take them into action that it is their business to prevent the ram or the torpedo attacking them. In short, the Navy is in grave danger, and it has been put in that danger needlessly and wantonly, in spite of multiplied warnings. I appeal to Mr Gladstone to put an end to this deplorable state of things. If he declines— and it is hard to see how he can well take the initiative — then I appeal to independent men who care for the country and care for its Navy, and I ask them to interpose. Thank Heaven, there are such men. Mr Ooschen is one, and could act with effect. Mr, W. H. Smith is another, and has quite recently declared that no fear of any part of the blame falling upon him shall prevent him from advocating any naval measures which he conscientiously considers urgent. I shall not myself seek to take any lead in the matter, for I have neither the time nor tbe disposition, nor the influence to justify me in doing so. But this I will do, with your permission ; I will here repeat in the most public and responsible manner that the Ajax, Agamemnon, Colossus, and Edinburgh, and the six ships of the Admiral' claBS, are all utterly unfit to engage the corresponding French chips ; unfit to enter the line of battle at all ; unfit to be retained on the list of armoured ships ; and I demand that they be at least afforded protection against that swift destruction from the fire of the smallest guns afloat which now awaits them. If this be not done, then upon the heads of the present Board of Admiralty must continue to rest, after this public warning, the responsibility of delivering ten British ships of the largest class an easy and certain prey to destruction should war arise."— "With the prospect of immediate war before our eyes, all this, we must admit is hardly comforting, and whether it, with much more to a similar effect that had preceded it, has had anything to do in encouraging the designs of foreign nations unfriendly to England, as may well prove to have been the case, or not, it at least must seem very discouraging to those who depend upon the mother country for naval protection.

ABLE ADVOCACY.

ments of their native land ? If Ireland is ever to be won over to settled order and contentment, her affections must be captivated,' and her honourable ambition to administer her. own affairs gratified. This will not be done by the renewal of the state of siege— a national humiliation that the Cabinet seem to be contemplating. There are individuals no doubt who ask for separation, but the Irish people, as a body, seek self-government. They want the same local liberties we have conceded to the colonies, and which are riveting rather than disintegrating the Empire. Union between the two countries is essential to the welfare of both. (Cheers.) But concord and amity are not incompatible with the repeal of the ill-starred Act of .180.0, Home Rule might not work aa well as its supporter's" expect 1 , but .'it is humanly impossible for it to work worse than the covenant of evil memory which was carried by bribery, and has been upheld by unconstitutional force. No people once fairly vested with legal powjer has shown any disposition to abuse it or to indulge ia acts of re* actionary vengeance. I do not believe the Irish will. (Hear, hear.)" While newspapers, then, like the Times and the Saturday Review and others of high repute, are prostituting their powers and abusing .the standing they enjoy by brutalising the (popular mind in England, or keeping it brutalised by the maintenance of gross, unfounded,- and degrading prejudice and ignorance, it is a relief to find that their influence is in some degree being coiinteracted by the candour and boldness of men like Mr. Cowen, whose words it is impossible to distort, explain away, or silence,