THE MARQUIS OF LORNE ON HOME RULE.

New Zealand Tablet, Volume XII, Issue 6, 30 May 1884, Page 19

THE MARQUIS OF LORNE ON HOME RULE.

The Marquis of Lome, late Governor-GeneTal of Canada, has an article in the Contemporary Beviero for April on '^ Provincial Home Bule for Ireland." He dismisses altogether the idea of a central Irish Parliament in Dublin, arguing that it would be inconsistent with the true interests of Ireland, and inimical to the interests of the empire generally. He is in favour of dividing Ireland, for certain purposes, into the four provinces of Ulster, Munster, Leinster, and Connaught, Having stated this much, he proceeds :— Could we not give the Irish all they can reasonably desire, and prevent them from cutting our throats and their own by some similar arrangement? Might we not relieve the Imperial Parliament of some troublesome time-consuming business by transferring it to the shoulders of Irish provincial diets? The whole countiy has about 6,000,000 inhabitants, so that each province would have a constituency more numerous than that of many American States. Connecticut and Rhode Island take just as much pride in their autonomy and " Home Rule " as do New York or Illinois. Why should not education, at all events, be entrusted to provincial diets ? Let there be two Houses in each, and let both be elective. Let the suffrage be the " household suffrage " for the lower House, and a higher suffrage for the second, with the further provision that the second House, or provincial council shall hold their seats for a given term of years. Let them manage education. Let them assess for provincial roads, for lunatic asylums, for the Church if they so please, and the budget necessary for the payment of the provincial members, and officials. Keep in the hands of an Imperial Irish Cabinet Minister "and his secretariat at Dublin the militia, the police, the administration of civil and criminal law, the control of lighthouses, navigation, customs, and excise, and all railroad matters which affect any two provinces. A growing pride and satisfaction in the self-government of each province would prevent any desire for amalgamation in Dublin. The torch of local dignity would not like to be extinguished in the odorous waters of the Liffey. Bach local governor (for such there should be to preside over the local government) would imagine himself to be Brian Born. Ulster would be contented, for she desires to be let alone. An occasional appeal for financial help wonld perhaps be made to the Imperial funds, and these requests would be generously met if peaceful conduct led to a disposition to consider the claims advanced and no infraction of Imperial power were advocated. All would depend on the right confinement of local power to certain subjects. It will be conceded that just as a man who receives a gift of property cannot stand to the donor of it in the same position .as another who has all his lifetime possessed his own, and is beholden to no one, so an Irish province to which a measure of selfgovernment may be granted could not be held to be in the position of an American " Soverign " State which has always possessed and practised self-government. In the case «f America the States were the donors of certain powers to the National Government. In Ireland it is the Imperial Government wbkmight give certain powers to local assemblies. Safeguards must necvlteanly be adopted in giving " Home Bule." For instance, in the concession of the power of taxation for provincial purposes, it would be necessary to ensure that the incidence of taxation be not '" ln 9™*'y laid, on one .taxation of property alone, but that it should be raised, if power to raise it be given, from »11 classes. Temporary "fP"*? against landlords while there are as yet few of them might lay the burthens on them only. We have prevented the rackrenting of the occupiers, and must see that the ownera have a livelihood. The

Imperial Legislature has but lately, regulated landed property. It could not satisfy.itself by permitting the reversal of its measures. All property held under existing laws must, therefore, be held as excluded from the action of the local chambers. But given the power of increasing present taxation with the present incidence of taxation on taxable property, the local houses might raise money for the purchase of lands from those willing to sell. They might be assisted by the Imperial Treasury in such an object. We gave £20,000,000 to compensate owners of West Indian slaves; and paid that price to change conditions which never touched the political well-being of the empire. The land question in Ireland does touch our nearest interests. It would be worth while largely to assist local effort were that local effoit directed to the increase of a land-owning peasantry. Much property might be allowed to pass under the administration of local government once the rights of property guaranteed by Imperial legislation have been bought up. The Irish would have a gradually increasing jurisdiction over the landed property of a province, and power to raise money for the subvention of their Church and the education of their youth. Provincial diets would thus have subjects dear to their people in their own hands. Poverty we cannot cure, nor could any local machinery do so. Small proprietors will mortgage their farms, and, getting into debt, will have to leave. Subdivision of land is certain to proceed unless checked by paternal legislation, for with the Celts a natural kindness of heart leads to this ruinous procedure. They who nave to leave on thiß account may, in future at all events, not have to ascribe their failure to " English Government," and would not swell further the ranks of the IrishAmerican haters of Britain in America. This class is becoming more numerous, and exercises upon the local and national councils of the Great Bepublic a marked and decided influence. Let the plan of local governments in Ireland be at all events discussed. Perhaps we may ask those in favour of the present state of affairs to reconsider whether the money spent on a Lord Lieutenant might not be more profitably used in helping to pay the salaries of local governors if the amount be in excess of that required for the office of an Irish Secretary of State.