AN ENGLISH RADICAL ON REPEAL.

New Zealand Tablet, Volume XI, Issue 46, 14 March 1884, Page 13

AN ENGLISH RADICAL ON REPEAL.

(From the London Eclio.)

It has been shown that whilst Ireland enjoyed legislative independence she advanced rapidly in wealth and prosperity. The policy of the Union implied that the English Parliament could govern Ireland better than the Irish Parliament. "The whole scheme!" wid l Fox during the debates on the bill, " goes upon the false and abominable presumption tliat we could legislate better for the Irish than the Irish could do for tlemselves-a principle founded upon the most arrogant despotism and tyranny. There is not a more clear assertion in the science of politics than that a man is his own uatural governor and that he ought to legislate for himself. We ought not to presume to legislate for a nation in whose feelings and affections, wants, and interests, opinions and prejudices, we have no sympathy." The history of eighty years now stands in judgment upon the arrogance and presumption that Fox denounced During that time there have been 12 Acts for the suspension of Habeas Corpus, 17 Peace Preservation Acts, 18 Acts for limiting and controlling the possession of arms and gunpowder ; 17 for the prevention of resistance to the law by means of outrages against person and property ; 25 against unlawful and dangerous societies, combinations assemblies, and processions ; 11 for the suppression' of rebellions insurrections, and disturbances, and two for curtailing the freedom of the Press. ; or some 90 Coercion Acts in 82 years. So mnch for the peace of the country since the Union ; now for its prosperity —and peace and prosperity were to follow quickly upon the suppres"sion of the Irish Parliament. There have been nine Acts for the direct relief, otherwise than by the ordinary poor-law, of distress • nine for the indirect relief of poverty by means of advancing money for public works ; four more forgiving to the extremely poor employment at the public expense; four for contending with famine fever; four Jor saving from perishing by starvation the thousands of children deserted through the abject poverty of their parents ; three for the relief and assistance of railway companies otherwise unable to proceed with their works ; four for the artificial assistance of banks and for sustaining commercial credit : four for the rescue of encumbered estates from insolvency • making in all, says the author of " The Irish Problem, and How to fcfolve It " 41 Acts "in acknowledgment of the ruin and despair that have haunted all sorts and conditions of men in Ireland, under the benign influence of the Union." Contrast this state of things with the progress of Ireland during the brief period of her legislative independence, and it ceases to be surprising that the Irish demand for Repeal is as strong to-day as on the morrow of the Union. But, it will be said, granted that all you say is true, that the Union has been a disastrous experiment for Ireland, it does not follow that it would be wise or safe for England to consent to its repeal. That is a strange plea to be urged by men who are, or profess to be brimful of sympathy wiih the Poles whenever they rebel against Russia ; who prayed for the success of the Italians in their effortß to cast off the Austrian yoke ; who rejoiced in the emancipation of Greece and Bulgaria from the blighting rule of the Turk. But is it the fact that it is to the interest of England to maintain the Union ? It may be granted that if a Union such as that which binds England or Scotland were possible, there would be nothing to be said against it. The Union, of England, Scotland, and Wales has added immensely to the power of Great Britain, and the United Kingdom would gain additional strength if only the Union with Ireland was of the same character. But it is folly to look for any such Union. Tinkering at the land laws, doles of public money, even a complete system of local self-government, will not reconcile the Irish people to the loss of legislative independence. If the Union is to be maintained, it can only be maintained by force. Is it worth maintaining at the cost that has to be paid for it? That is a question which, unless the present writer is strangely misinformed, the working men of Great Britain are beginning to ask themselves, and the answer is not doubtful. The average strength of the English army in Ireland is about 23,000 men. Two lyears ago it was considerably over 30,000 ; but take the average, and it will be found that nearly a third of our little army is engaged in garrison work in Ireland, at a cost to the British taxpayer of £2,500,000 per annum. Does that add to our prestige abroad ? "In every negotiation," says a great writer,^ <• the fact that Ireland is discontented is uppermost in the minda of diplomati&ts on both sides, making the representative of the British Crown timorous, and making his adversary bold." What if we were engaged in a great European war ? Will anyone pretend that the possession of Ireland, whilst she remains in her present temper, would add to our strength ? Is Austria the weaker for the loss of Lombardy and Venetia ? Admit that England could not view with indifference foreign interference in Ireland, what danger is there of that whilst England remains Mistress of the Seas ? Nor do we believe that Irishmen would desire any such interference. Given the control of their own affairs, hatred of England would soon give place to very different feelings. Ireland would then be loyal to the, English connection, as the Dominion and the Australian Colonies are loyal now.