JOHN DILLONS REPLY TO GLADSTONE.

New Zealand Tablet, Volume IX, Issue 454, 23 December 1881, Page 21

JOHN DILLONS REPLY TO GLADSTONE.

Fkbsh interest was imparted to the Land League meeting in Dublin on Tuesday, October 11th, by tbe presence of Mr Dillon, M.P., and there was much curiosity to hear his response to the complimentary allusions made to him by the Prime Minister, fie took the chair amid loud cheers. Among those present were Mr T. D. Sullivan, M.P., J. Ferguson and Mr P. Egan. Mr John Dillion said he had not expected to be among them for ioxne time, nor would he, bad it not been for the extraordinary and unexpected occurrence which took place the other day. He alluded, of course, to tbe speech delivered by Mr Gladstone at Leeds. In reading that speech, bis first impression was that he was already dead and buried (laughter), else, he asked himself, Why had he been elevated into the company of illustrious Irishmen who had been either dead for twenty years, or out of the country for twenty years ? It was a rtrange fact that for many hundred years any Irishman wbo had secured the confidence or affection of his countrymen had be*, v hated and vilified by English ministers bo long as he was alive and able to serve his country, but when tbe grave had closed over him for twenty years the eyei of Englishmen were opened to his virtues, if be had any. He felt a strong impression that he had already passed into another world upon reading Mr Gladstone's speech ; but having, by a series of experiments, convinced himself that he was still in this " wicked world and vale of tears," bis first feeling was that be owed an explanation to his countrymen of how it was that he came to be praised by an English minister (hear, bear). The explanation which he meant to give was by Blowing that the grounds upon which that praise was based were false grounds (hear, hear). Mr Gladstone had grossly — he would not say deliberately — misrepresented him. Speaking to his audience in Leeds, he said : " If they had all the fine views which he attributed to Dillon, and if an alien Parliament had passed a measure granting, with a liberality unknown to history, tbe land legislation which now prevails in Ireland (admitting that, it would not say much for the measure), would they stand between their countrymen and the benefits of that Act ? No, they would not." He would not Bay they were justified in intercepting the benefits of a measure like the Land Act, and that was what Mr Dillon had done — he was sorry to say, alone, among his friends, had done (laughter). Diametrically opposite to that was what Mr Dillon had sought to do, and the only trouble in which Mr Dillon was immersed wa<3 this — that he had not succeeded ia standing between bis country and the Land Act (cheers). If be had had his way not only would he have stood between his country and the Land Act, but he would have thrown out Mr Gladstone and his Government (bear, hear). He believed that the reason why he was imprisoned was because tbe Government considered the attitude wbich he adopted was endangering the Land Bill, and, with tbe Land Bill, the Government (hear, hear). It was notorious that when arrested he was on bis way to London to protest against th« acceptance of the Land Bill, and he intended to tell the Government he believed they were wasting their time and the time of the country in discussing a measure which, when passed, would not bring peace to Ireland. He thought it was due to them to have the fact stated frankly and honestly in the House of Commons, because than it could not be said they had spent six months toiling to give justice to Ireland. And now what was their reward ? But the Government did not desire to hear the truth, and so adopted the method of locking him up until the Land Act was got safely through. Tbe Government bad locked him up for three months for opposing the Land Act and seeking to stand between his people and this Act. It was now too much that Mr Gladstone should inform the audience at Leeds, and the wider audience reading his words over Europe and America, that Dillon was of opinion that the Act should be used. "To use it is what Dillon thinks," were the words of Mr. Gladstone. Why, he had not made a single speech since the 6th of April — the day on which the Bill first saw the light — in which he had not urged his countrymen not to use it, Mr. Gladstone had the reputation of being greater than he was, bat able as he (Mr. Dillon) acknowledged him to be, he never knew

before that he had the ability of knowing what Dillon thought better than Dillon himself knew (laughter). Gladstone hated Parnell. Why ? Because he had not the power to remove him from his path, either by argument or by wheedling. Gladstone and the English Press loved Shaw (hisses) and the " nominal Home Bulers," as Mr. Gladstone happily christened them. They loved them because they were easily managed (hear, hear). Having read Gladstone's speeches, he was distinctly of opinion they were dishonest public utterance!. As an illustration of the dishonesty of the Government, and to bring home to the minds of the people that Mr. Gladstone had proved himself to be a dishonest politician, he read extracts from which ho contended he had deceived the Boers. Gladstone's reputation in politics is, I believe, a false reputation, and based upon a most extraordinary gift — perhaps the most extraordinary possessed by any man in England— of , I will not say conscious, but deliberate, whether conscious or unconscious, skilful misrepresentation of facts (cheers). In conclusion, I will say we have heard a great deal— at least, I know I have since I was very young — of the good things which Mr. Gladstone had done for Ireland and the good things which he meant to do for Ireland ; but, in my opinion, the best thing he ever did for Ireland was the delivery of the speech he made the other day in Leeds, because by that speech he has finally overthrown the idol named " Gladstone," which certain politicians, for their own purposes, have industriously for years endeavoured to keep before the eyes of the Irish people. By that speech he has administered the coup de grace to British legislation in Ireland, and in that speech he has openly challenged the Irish people to declare whether they will accept the leadership of his agent, Forater (hisses), or follow the leader whom they have deliberately selected to follow. And I may take this opportunity of observing that at the banquet in Leeds he haa endorsed, with effusive enthusiasm, the whole policy and every act of bis agent (Mr. Forster) in this country (hisses). Gentlemen, the issue now is that which he las set before the Irish people— whether they will accept the leadership of Mr. Forster, with a testimonial from Mr. Gladstone, or whether they will continue to follow the leader who ha 3 led them already through many a tough and stem fight— l mean Charles Stewart Parnell (cheers), the man whom Mr. Gladstone denounced as a preacher of public plunder. lam very glad that the issue has been so clearly put by so high an authority. The Irish people are perfectly prepared to face it, and I, for my part, have not the smallest doubt of the result. To those who have not been in England lately the full importance of that issue is not immediately apparent ; but when you know that Mr. Gladstone 1 * words are but the echo of th« howls raised by the London Press for the past fortnight denouncing Mr. Parnell as the virtual ruler of this country (cries of "So he is !"), with his cabinet of the Land Leaguers around him, and announcing that Mr. Forster is walking up and down in Dublin Castle unable to control anybody and devoid of all public authority (laughter)— when Mr. Gladstone endorses that description, he has placed the issue before the Irish people whether they are going to obey Parnell or Forster. And let it go forth in the name of the Irish people that they for their part are determined, bo matter what laws are made — I mean, coercion laws are made — no matter what buckshot, bayonets or force muy be applied, to obey the leader whom the the people have selected, as long as he has the confidence of the Irish people— to obey the freely-elected executive of th« League, and leave Mr. Forster in his isolation in the Castle of Dublin (loud and continued cheering).