New Zealand Tablet. Fiat Justitia. FRIDAY, DECEMBER 17, 1875. THE ELECTIONS.

New Zealand Tablet, Volume III, Issue 137, 17 December 1875, Page 10

New Zealand Tablet. Fiat Justitia. FRIDAY, DECEMBER 17, 1875. THE ELECTIONS.

"We had hoped that the important question now before the constituencies would have been left to their decision on its merits ; and above all, that the No-Popery cry would not Lave been introduced to bias their judgment. At the eleventh hour we have been disappointed. True, some time ago one of our contemporaries made an adroit attempt' to bolster up Abolition by publishing an unfounded state, inent to the effect that the Catholic Bishops had issued orders — mob cV ordre were the words — 'that Catholics were to support Provincialism, and oppose Abolition. This false-" hood was promptly denied by the Bishop of Dunedin ; but since then, so far as we know, till this week, no new attempt in this direction was made. Bat the ]STo-Popery cry is too powerful, and too convenient a weapon of political warfare to be forgotten by paltry people at an election time. This cry has usually the effect of scaring empty-headed electors, and driving them to vote for candidates whose political opinions would secure their defeat. It would appear as if one of our daily contemporaries intended something of this sort. In a leader published this week, the journal to which we allude, has given to the world of Otago the following sentences*: — "He is prepared to go yet farther. Not only will he," Sir Dillon Bell, "consent to some schools being wholly in the hands of the Koinan priests, but he will not subject such managers to any external control whatever beyond the luring bait of a capitation grant, and payment by results. The schools shall be supported by the State — the priests, however, shall expend the money how they will, and teacli what they will, at the public cost. What can justify such a course as this !" The writer of these sentences has neither conscience nor principle ; Sir Dillon" Bell did not propose what is here attributed to him, nor anything like it. He- merely advocated that the schools of Catholics shalL receive aid out of their own money, on condition _of inspection by Government Inspectors. This simple, and most just, and equitable proposition has been badly dramatised, and so clothed in words, that its author would be unable to recognise it, for the purpose, no doubt, of raising a by-issue in the present crisis, and damaging a favorite candidate's opponent. Further ou in this precious article, from which we have quoted, and in an unmeaning metaphor, there is this curi cms sentence : " If there is one cheese above another which she cannot away* with, it is that which is curdled and crushed in the Vatican." And again, near the end : " For instance let them look to the daring aspersion . of the parents — not to say the slur cast upon the Koman clergy — that Catholic children will not obtain the bread of primary educatio i it' they do not have the relish of a iioinau religious traiuing with it." G-oocl reader, can you understand tliis rhodomoutade ? It is beyond us ; yet we are convinced it will do the work intended. Though very obscure to most intellects, it will be evident to many that it contains some terrible charge against the priests, and that will suffice. It will drive not a few, to whom its very obscurity will be an additional recommendation, to vote agaiust all candidates supposed to have a leaning towards doing justice to Catholics. And, of course, Ms was the object intended. Here then is a new issue, but Catholics'^have not raised it. Throughout the entire Colony they have, during the present political struggle carefully abstained from putting forward their special claims. They have felt that this was not the time to do so. They despaired of obtaiuing a hearing amid the din of the Abolition battle ; and they have boeu actuated by another motive — at least we can answer for ourselves — which ought to secure for them the respect and sympathy of their fellow citizens. What we mean will be easily understood from the following : early in nis career, indeed in his first public speech he ever made, O'CouuelL said, "It had- been stated that Catholics were favorable to the Union ; they were- bound to prove they were not. It was said they were willing to sell their country for a price. That calumny was flung on the whole body— the whole body should contradict it. If their emancipation were offered in exchange for their consent,

they would reject it with prompt indignation. Let us, lie said, show Ireland we have nothing in view hut her good— nothing hut mutual forgiveness in our hearts. Let every man who feels with me, proclaim that were the alternative offered him of the Legislative Union, or the re-enactment of the Penal Code, he would prefer the latter as the lesser evil. ITe would rather confide in the justice of Irish Protestants, than lay his country at the feet of foreigners. If any man be so degraded as to consent to the extinction of the name and liberty of Ireland, I would at least call on him notto leave to strangers, whom he cannot control, the direction and management of his commerce" and property." We can say that in this crisis of the Colony we arc, and have been actuated by similar sentiments. "We have always been opposed to a multiplicity of small Provinces, hut we have always been in favor of sovereign insular Provinces. We have opposed Abolition because it was proposed with a view of centralising everything in Wellington : and notwithstanding the declarations of Ministers in reference to the powers to be given to Shire Councils, there is no doubt whatever in our mind that abolition means nothing, and can mean nothing else than a crushing centralism. Whore the legislative power is centralised, there also is inevitably centralised the administrative power. It is in the nature of things that it should be so, and therefore we are not surprised at finding from history that it has been so. So convinced are we of the evils inseparable from centralism, that to prevent it so far as it is in our power to do so, we aro prepared to put in abeyance till a more opportune time our claim for justice in the matter of schools, in order that we may not be a source of embarrassment to those who are opposing abolition. We have made up our minds to adopt, during the coming struggle, the following policy: — Under all circumstances to oppose an abolitionist; in cases where all the candidates are abolitionists and seculaiists, to abstain from voting — where an abolition candidate is opposed by a provincialist and secularist, also to abstain from voting — in cases where all the candidates are in favour of abolition, but some of them denoininationalists, to vote for the latter on the principle that by so acting we could do no harm, and might effect some good. ■ Our policy is a generous, and we think a wise one. Our agitation of the school question now could be attended with no good result, and would be sure to do harm to interests of the very highest importance. There is nothing the two Islands should labour for so earnestly as to proserve each its autonomy, that is its right of self-government ; and now that the question has been raised and must be settled, ifc would bo most unwise, and somewhat selfish to do anything to interfere with a speedy and satisfactory setttlement. One thiug at a time is as much as can be done well. When this question has been disposed of, we shall renew our agitation for justice in education. Meantime, we shall look upon the man who endeavours to raise the No-Popery cry for any purpose, as base, idiotic, and the greatest enemy of the country.