England and Germany.

New Zealand Graphic, Volume XLIII, Issue 7, 18 August 1909, Page 56

England and Germany.

“TILE PRESENCE OF A GREAT I DANGER.” ■7 By ROBERT BLATOHFORD IN “TILE j CLARION.” The debate on the vote of censure turned too much upon the question of Whether we ought to build eight “Dreadnoughts” or four. That is not the vital question. The Question is the question of peace or war. Does Germany mean to attack us, or floes she not? The building now, or next year, of eight battleships or four is a mere question of detail, and depends entirely upon our answer to that momentous question. The position taken up by our comEade Hyndman and by me from the first as been quite clear and firm. ■, Wo believe that Germany is preparing for war with Great Britain. We Relieve that Germany means to dominate Europe; and that as a necessary step to that domination, she is determined to challenge our power on the sea.

We have given our reasons for that belief, and are prepared to give them again. When about a year ago we made our appeal, and uttered our warning, we were treated as Jingoes and scaremongers. Subsequent events have greatly strengthened our conviction. But for the present I shall content myself by quoting from the liberal speeches in the House of Commons on Monday night. I shall take the words of Sir Edward Grey, the Minister for Foreign Affairs, and the Government advocate for pacific measures and economy in Naval expenditure. The speech of Sir Edward Grey in the debate on the vote of censure is the gravest and the most disquieting utterance yet made by any British Cabinet Minister. The following excerpt is enough to justify, and more than justify, every word that Hyndman and I have written during the last five years: “A new situation is created by the German programme. When it is completed, Germany, a great country close to our own shores, will have a fleet of thirty-three ‘Dreadnoughts,’ and that fleet will be the most powerful which the world has ever yet seen. “It imposes on us the necessity of rebuilding the whole of our fleet. That is the situation.” What does that imply? Does it imply a faith in German diplomacy? Does it suggest that it would be wise for us to economise in Naval expenditure? No. Taken with the rest of Sir Edward Grey’s speech, it implies that we had better not build eight “Dreadnoughts” now, because in a year or two we may find that Germany has been building more powerful ships. But it implies, and most explicitly declares, that before long Gemany will have in the North Sea, and close to our shores, the most powerful fleet the world has hitherto seen. It implies that we may have to build a fleet even greater and more costly. It amounts to a candid acknowledgment that a German fleet in the North Sea is a menace to this country. It admits, in effect, all that Hyndman and I have said. Sir Edward Grey said further: “Surely it is obvious that the whole of Europe is in the presence of a great danger.” Now, Hyndman and I have insisted again and again that our share of the danger lies in our negligence. Let me put the position once more, as I see it. Germany is the greatest military Power in the world. She has made it evident—so evident that even the Liberal Cabinet have seen it—that she means to be the greatest Naval Power in the world. To attain her ends she will shrink from neither trouble nor expense. She has a genius for organisation, and leaves nothing to chance. Her rulers do not talk; they act. They do not make the fatal mistake of confusing words and facts. The astounding progress made by Germany during the last ten years is proof of this contention. A year ago we were told that our Naval Power was overwhelming, and that Germany never could compete, because she had not the means, we could always build faster than she. But to-day we are not sure that we can build as fast. Seeing what I see of the German methods, and knowing what I know of British methods, I cannot help feeling that the Germans, by their superior unity, by their closer secrecy, by their more direct and single purpose, and by their national capacity and training for organisation, have stolen a march upon us, and will very soon leave us behind. Unless we wake up and realise the gravity of the danger. Now look at our side of the water. We are disunited; wo are untrained; we are over-confident; we are strongly averse to war; we are still more strongly attached to our own ease and freedom. We do not want to fight, we do not want to pay, we do not want to worry. We are full of words, and we have not learnt that words are not deeds and that figures arc not facts. The German people are a military people. They are a nation of drilled men. Only a drilled man can appreciate the importance of that factor in the sum. Germany, bent upon any great national enterprise, works like a machine. I am convinced that the German nation is more efficient for war than the 'British nation; that the German Administration is more efficient for war than

our Administration; and that Germany means war. Now, if such a nation as Germany means war, it will tax all our resources to meet her. Those passages in Sir Edward Grey's speech in which he hints at “agreements” and limitations of armaments are evidences of our deplorable weakness. Germany will not be stopped by words. Germany means to fight, is preparing to fight, believes that she can win. We have either to fight or to go under. The idea that philanthropic speeches or diplomatic overtures or European alliances can save us is a cowardly, a weak, and a dangerous idea. The idea that we can meet this bold and open menace of a brave united, and determined nation by some cheap expedient is an idea that will land us in ruin and disgrace. We have got to make a united and heroic effort, and to make it now, or we shall be crushed. We have got to pay and to make sacrifices, or we shall be crushed. Even when we have paid and have armed and have made sacrifices we shall have to be ready to fight. Germany will not be bluffed. Germany will not fight with figures and with words. Germany believes that she can beat us, and Germany means to try. I am speaking now with a full sense of the responsibility I incur. I know that I am doing an unpopular thing. I know that I shall meet with hostility from my own Party. I know that I shall be called a Jingo and a firebrand and, perhaps, a traitor. But I have never yet been silent because the truth was dangerous or did not pay. I believe that this German crisis is the most momentous crisis since the beginning of the nineteenth century. I believe that it cannot be averted or met without a great national effort.

I hold that we should act at once, and act as we should act if war were certain within a year. I have sufficient confidence in the British people to feel that if they were told fully and frankly the whole of the facts they would be equal to the demand made upon them. I am ill. I am pressed with business worries; I am over-weigh ted with work;

but I feel it my duty as a man, M • Socialist, and as a British citizen, to do the little I am able to do towards rousing the public attention to a great danger. We want a powerful fleet and a perfect -organisation behind the fleet. We want an Army of defence. We want these things now, and we want them upon a* war footing. I had intended to say a few words upon the strategic situation, but am not equal to it. But I would point out that the German fleet will have the great advantage of being able to choose their own time for attack; and that our fleet should be much stronger than theirs if we are to be always ready to meet their full force at any hour and at any point. Moreover, there is Austria. Austria can put a fleet of “Dreadnoughts” into the Mediterranean. We must keep all our here to face Germany. I wish I could feel that not a single British citizen would allow partisanship, or party shibboleths, or political theories to blind or to mislead him in this hour of national peril. The downfall of England would be a disaster to the human- race. In the old days, when war threatened our fathers, it was the eustom to light beacon. fires upon the hills. I light my fire to-day, and it shall not go out if I can keep it burning.