The Waikato Times. With which Is Incorporated The Waikato Argus. WEDNESDAY, NOVEMBER 5, 1930. BRITISH POLITICS.

Waikato Times, Volume 108, Issue 18168, 5 November 1930, Page 4

The Waikato Times. With which Is Incorporated The Waikato Argus. WEDNESDAY, NOVEMBER 5, 1930. BRITISH POLITICS.

The meeting of Conservative members and candidates which was held to consider whether Mr Baldwin should retain the leadership of the parly has an interest beyond that of the internal conditions of the party.. As far as can be made out from the cabled reports, the differences between Mr Baldwin and his critics are of the slightest, and amount to nothing more that an difference of opinion about the time when Empire Free Trade should be adopted as the official policy. Mr Baldwin approves of protection, under whichever name it may appear, whether “ safeguarding ” or “ preference ” or “ Empire free trade.” At the same time 4s leader of a -party he does not want to tie his hands more 1 than is absolutely necessary. He might find himself* returned with but a small majority, when the attempt to introduce protection in any form could only lead to defeat. Mr Baldwin has had one unfortunate experience In 1923 when he went to the country with a policy of protection and was defeated. He is, therefore, quite' reasonably cautious and declares that he thinks it rash to declare a policy too long before an election. It may be asked why the newspaper Lords should be so anxious to displace him when the differences between them are so small? Lord Rothermere’s feeling seems to be personal.- He regards himself as a power in the land owing to the string of newspapers which he controls, and thinks that Mr Baldwin does not treat him with sufficient consideration. It is possible also tnat he finds his writers can be more vigorous and readable in attacking a Government than in defending it. He inherited the newspaper control built up by his brother Lord Northcliffe, and it was noticeable that in Northcliffe’s time the papers were usually found in opposition. Lord Beaverbrook is in somewhat different case. He has always aspired to .control policy, not as a leader .'but as a power behind the throne. He at least knows what he wishes to "bring about, whereas Lord Hothermere seldom remains for tw-o days in the one mind. The two Lords have supported one another .and opposed one another at short intervals, it is noticeable that Lord Beaverbrook attended the meeting of Conservatives and spoke, though he is not described as an effective speaker. Lord Rothermere never comes into the open. If the contention were merely an internal concern of the party they might be left to settle it, but it has a wider interest, namely whether Government is to be conducted by newspapers. The importance and influence of newspapers is very great and is universally recognised, but influence is not authority. Questions can be discussed in the press, opinions and feelings can be ascertained and the way to legislation can be prepared, hut this is not the same as authority and responsibility. If .the legislation proves a mistake the press that advocated it does not suffer. The punishment falls on the party that has adopted a mistaken policy. In the case of the Northcliffe press Mr Baldwin is quite right in ignoring it. In spite of the long siring of papers and the wide circulation, this press has never carried any political weight'. From the first it devoted itself to exploiting matters of general interest.

Crime, sport, fiction, passing fashions, are the topics which they cultivate. They have had their reward in wide circulations and financial success; but as they never cultivated political interests they have had no power. It is questionable whether-they have ever supported any party which was successful at a general election. At the last election they favoured the Liberals, who never made so poor a showing. It is this that makes it so astonishing that Conservative members of Parliament should be billing to accept marching orders from this press. It shows a desire to regain office and entire carelessness how it is to be done. Even Mr Baldwin’s dictum that it is not wise to declare policy too long before an election savours rather much of a desire to attain office, and never mind the policy to be pursued. If the Labour Party had been shown to be doing these things there would have been many hands‘held up in reprobation. In New South Wales a caucus of unknown persons decide who are to be Cabinet Ministers, and this caucus, behind the scenes dictates policy, which the members elected by the people have to carry out. It is an eminently dangerous system, but it cannot be said to be worse than newspaper government. Lord Rothermere recently dema'nded" to know who Mr Baldwin intended to invite to join the Cabinet, and if anything Lord Rothermere as the power behind .the throne would be worse than the Sydney caucus. Truly the Conservative Party is in a bad way when a section of it can be found willing to accept such dictation. It is possible to think that Mr Baldwin’s politics are mistaken, and yet to have a great liking and respect for him as a man. The Times newspaper, in commenting on the episode, says it is impossible-to turn out Mr Baldwin for there is no other leader in sight. Conservatism .has usually suffered for want of leaders. It was this that brought Disraeli to the leadership of the party; it was this that made Chamberlain the. effective head though he' began as a Radical and kept much of his early feelings to the end. It brought Mr Bonar Law to the front in spite of the. claims of Walter Long and Sir Austen Chamberlain. It may yet make Mr Winston Churchill the leader, though the most active years, of his life have been passed as member' of a Liberal Cabinet. The most surprising feature of the whole situation is the calm confidence of- the party that they will form the Government after the next election. It does not seem anything like so certain to outsiders-, and such incidents as the attempt to unseat Mr Baldwin is not calculated to'make it more likely.