RECENT IRISH HISTORY

Waikato Times, Volume 92, Issue 14259, 9 January 1920, Page 6

RECENT IRISH HISTORY

AN INTERESTING RESUME.

THE POSITION EXPLAINED.

In a leading article on March 17 last. Thr Times gave a useful account of Uie course of ‘events relating to Ireland since 1914, as follows: — Great Britain, absorbed in war and its problems for four and a-half years, has barely had time to note, except at critical moments, the frequent changes ' in me-Irish situation. It may be useful to recite them afresh. The Home Rule Act passed the Commons for the third time in May, 1914, but the attitude of Ulster was so hostile to the measure that on June 23rd Mr Asquith s Government introduced into the House of Lords an Amending Bill providing for tho exclusion of the Ulster counties bv ballot. Tho Lords passed the Amending Bill, but the war broke out be I ore it reached the Lower House. On September 18th a Suspensory Act was passed by agreement, providing that, it not repealed meanwhile, the Home Rule Act was to come into force six months after the signing of peace. Simultaneously the Home Rule Act, which had been twice rejected by the Lords, received the Royal Assent, and was placed upon the Statute Book. In point of law, that Act remains the only tangible factor in the present situation, for the Amending Bill was not proceeded with, init Mr Asquith gave a pledge, twice since emphatically endorsed by Mr Lloyd George, that the Government •■will never countenance or consider the coercion of Ulster.” . As the war progressed, the Sinn Fein Party, on the one hand, and certain extreme Labour elements in Ireland on the other, developed increasing Political and Revolutionary Activity, which culminated in the unsuccessful rebellion at Easter, 1916. Whatever e.su the rebellion did. there can be no doubt that Sinn Fein derived much temporary strength from it. Unrest continued in Ireland for nearly a year, mu i, in March, 1917, Mr Lloyd George, who’had then recently become Prime Minister, turned his attention afresh to Irish affairs. In effect he offered immediate Home Rule to those portions of Ireland which wanted it, or, as an alternative, suggested that representative Irishmen should meet in Convention and work out a scheme for themselves. At the same time he affirmed Mr Asquith’s pledge to Ulster, definitely applying It to the six counties. A Convention met in July, 1917, and was attended by the Ulstermen, though Sinn Fein boycotted It. The Convention’s reports were published on April 13th, 1918, at a time of great national anxiety, for three weeks earlier the Germans had broken through the British line near St. Quentin. The principal report, as we said at the time, “unmistakably revealed the existence of a nucleus of moderate opinion, standing midway between the Separatists and the Ulstermen.” It propounded a scheme of sclf-govern-meul which included the establishment of an Irish Parliament and Executive. The Sedate was to .consist of 64 members representing various specified interests, and there was to be a House of Commons numbering 200, including a guaranteed 40 per cent, of Unionists, Shosen in the South by nomination and in Ulster by additional direct election. a .Mpgation of 42 Irish members was to sit in ‘he Imperial Parliament. Questions Of r-n Roms and Excise were post°r„ (jU “ , m rs. Mr Lloyd George poned for seven jntentlon of inat once reducing a new He ud imes of the Convent./® 5 { oon . on the same day the pi. L . scription was extended to L out immediate enforcement' „ scheme was instantly assailed combination of the Roman Gati. ~, itorarohy and. of Sinn Fein, the latte having Become Mop© Violently Republican than ever, Mr John Redmond was denounced for his moderate and conciliatory policy, and died in despair. The drafting of the new Bill was begun, but a month later, on May 17th, the Government, through Lord French, who ; had became Viceroy, arrested a large number of SinnPein leaders. It is well to remember clearly the cause of this I step. These men were arrested on a | general charge of conspiring to enter 1 into treasonable communication with j Oarmany. The Government stated that . they had no other course, “if useless bloodshed was to be avoided, and its . duty to the Allies fulfilled, but to Intern the authors and abettors of this ■criminal intrigue." The stern action taken checked openly rebellious itendencies, but nothing more was heard of pew Home Rule Bill. On November 2nd last Mr Lloyd George, m a leUi to Mr Bonar Law, stated that he claimed the right to base a settlement on the I first of his alternatives ot 1917, winch was to bring in Home Rule for all but the six Ulster counties, and to set up a Joint Council empowered to extend the legislation of the Irish Parliament to

Ulster. He added, however, that “such an attempt 1 ’ could not succeed in the then condition of Ireland, and must he postponed “until the condition of Ireland makes it possible." The climax came at the General Election in December, when the Sinn Fein candidates Destroyed the Old Nationalist Party, hut refused to take their scats at Westminster. Such in outline is the melancholy story of Irish politics during the war. Certain details remain to he filled in. Two or three small but significant movements are now developing. Led by Lord Middleton, many Southern Unionists, who include both landowneis and important residents in Dublin. ha\e broken away from the Lister Unionists and formed “the Unionist Anti-Parti-tion League.” The objects of the new body arc not unite clear, lor no liishman, not even in Ulster, welcomes the prospects of partition, the real purpose, which is commendable enough, appears to he to unite the Southern Unionists in defence of their own interests. Should partitions come they will bo within Home Rule Ireland and can expect small help from Ulster. Lord Middleton and his associates are meanwhile engaged in the useful work of preaching a vigorous policy of reconstruction. In this they arc in line with Sir Horace Plunkett’s sill! rather nebulous Irish Reconstruction Association. Another movement, so far extremely limited, finds expression in the new Irish Centre Party, headed by Captain Stephen Gwynn. Small though the party is, its programme contains some ideas and deserves attention. It proposes an Irish National Parliament, together with four Provincial Assemblies to deal with purely provincial affairs. Its weakness is that it does, not yet seem to have seriously tackled the problem of taxation. Then there are the 130 Irish officers who fought in the war, who have just memorialised the King to submit Nationalist Ireland’s claims to the Peace Conference. They allege that they went to Ihe war in the belief that the Home Rule Act would be imposed upon fin Undivided Ireland. But the officers of the Ulster Division took up arms in the faith of directly contrary pledges, repeatedly reiterated. The fears expressed in the United States lest the decisions of Paris may impinge upon American domestic affairs may be appropriately applied to the plea of the memoralists. Yet, however domestic and internal the Irish question may be. the policy of helpless drifting disturbs the character of our relations with both the Dominions and the United States. People overseas cannot understand why a settlement is so long delayed. Still more does the passivity of the Government react unfavourably upon Irsili internal conditions. Delay breeds strife and turns even friends into foes. While the Prime Minister is waiting until the Irish outlook is more propitious, in reality the position grows steadily worse. Nothing can now be gained by further postponement. The Government, having failed to induce Irishmen to agree among themselves, must impose their own settlement upon Ireland. They should announce their intention at once, and carry it into effect as-soon as the preoccupation of Paris permits. By taking this course they will set themselves right in the eyes of Ireland and of the world. The rest will then lie with Ireland herself.