The Waikato Times With which is incorporated The Waikato Argus. SATURDAY, OCTOBER 19, 1918. GERMAN POLITICS

Waikato Times, Volume 89, Issue 13893, 19 October 1918, Page 4

The Waikato Times With which is incorporated The Waikato Argus. SATURDAY, OCTOBER 19, 1918. GERMAN POLITICS

The changes in Germany consequent upon the feverish unrest occasioned by events at the front are so kaleidoscopic as to render futile any attempt to treat of them, and it is clear that everything political in the country is in a lluid condition. The resignation of the Kaiser is generally anticipated, and it is rumoured that he will nominate his eldest grandson, who is nothing more than a child, being in fact 12 years old in July last. The reasons for passing over the Crown Prince are obvious, but the effort to leave the Crown to a minor in the midst of distraction like the present, in a country where all authority centres in the monarch, is a mere clutching at straws. Yet it is hard to say what course any sober-minded Herman could propose as likely to unite the people and enable them to sustain the shock of defeat. The one class in the country who have been associated with the Government are the Junkers, and it is the policy which they have pursued which has led to disaster. It is impossible that they can be left in control of government, yet the people are apparently unable to either seize the power or to exercise it. This is the outcome of the policy pursued by Bismarck from the lime win •; he was called to power in 1863. lie despised and detested democracy, yet the spirit of the age compelled him to make some show of recognising it, which he did by the creation of a Reichstag whose powers vVere little more than nominal. He then drew the leaders of industry into the net by State bonuses, protection, bank advances, and by using State credit to subsidise enterprise. All positions in the Civil Service and all commissions in the army were reserved for the Junker element, and a block was formed which enabled the Government to be carried on. The process begun by Bismarck has been carried to still greater lengths by the Kaiser, whose restless vanity impelled him to interfere with everything; but in the meantime the country was rapidly growing richer, and though sum.- of the prosperity was more apparent than real, yet there was enough of it genuine lo prevent any serious attempt to alter conditions. The Social Democratic party grew rapidly in numbers, but had not sufficient political instinct to know how to make its power felt. The party came into existence to support the' theories of Karl Marx, an economic philosopher who is probably responsible for snore mischief than any other man of modern times. Amongst his other theories he preached that an improvement in the condition of the poorer classes could not be effected except by revolution; that war between capital and labour was inevitable, and that it was useless for those who believed his theories to take part in the polities of a society which could not be mended, and must infallibly be ended. The Social Democrats, therefore, began as a party dedicated to revolution, and refusing to take any part in reformation. As the party grew in numbers a difference of opinion arose, and some were in favour of working inside the stab' for gradual improvements, while others retained the original attitude of no compromise, and the result has been to paralyse the power of the party as a whole and to discredit the saner portion of it on account of their connection with the extremists. It is the realisation of what the extreme members of the party are striving for that keeps any moderate element in German political life from opposing the bureaucracy anil the Junkers. Thus Germany is unhappily divided between extremists on either side, and lacks the moderate element of -progress and liberalism. There are doubtless men who can see the faults of both sides, and can perceive a better course for the State to pursue, but they are too few in numbers to constitute a party or to have any effective voice in affairs.

The position of Germany is therefore peculiarly dangerous. The whole direction of affairs lias been kept in the hands of a narrow class, who have been supported by the middle classes for fear of revolution. Now the Junkers are discredited, at home and abroad. Their policy has failed; the criminal methods they advocated bave brought down on the whole country the haired of the civilised world. The deception practised on their people to make them believe that Russia was the cause of war has been exposed; and Lichnowsky's disclosures have shown them that lingland strove for peace to the last, and only made war when Germany invaded Belgium. The Junkers are impossible, and as a governing party must make way for others. Unfortunately the other elements in the Reichstag, with every desire to assume power, are so inexperienced as to be unable to do so effectually. There is talk of legislation to deprive the Kaiser of the power to make war, and to vest it in the Reichstag. Such a proposition shows how little they understand the position. The first consideration is to decide where [lower actually resides, and it is unquestionable that in Germany power rests with the army. Whom does the army obey? And again, it is unquestionable that as at present constituted it will not obey the Reichstag or any civilian authority. The only method of altering this is to change the system which keeps all the positions of authority in (he army, as a close reserve for the Junkers. Every sub-lieutenant who enters the army is a member of the landed classes, and the class feeling is such as might be expected from such an arrangement. Bill what is likely to be the result of any attempt to alter this system? It is as certain as anything human can lie that it will be resisted to the death, and the decision will finally turn upon the action taken by the rank and file, who may side with the politicians or may follow their officers. If the question crises while the sufferings of war are

fresh, the men will probably art as civilians, but if the politicians have not tlic requisite courage and foresight to deal with it promptly it is impossible lo say what the result may be. These are some of the difficulties in the way of turning Germany into a democratic country. They are questions which shake a State to its foundations wiien entered upon j n a period of peace. \\'e have always held that for Germany a revolution Was incvitahle, and the feeble efforts which the politicians are making to provide pills for the earthquake do but confirm us in this view.