The Waikato Times With which is incorporated The Waikato Argus. MONDAY, MAY 21, 1917. A SEPARATE PEACE

Waikato Times, Volume 88, Issue 13489, 21 May 1917, Page 4

The Waikato Times With which is incorporated The Waikato Argus. MONDAY, MAY 21, 1917. A SEPARATE PEACE

We do not know how much weight to attach to Mr Bonar Law's reply to an enquiry concerning rumours of a separate jpeaoe with Austria, Bulgaria, and Turkey. He was strictly noncommittal, which was only to be expected, and at the same time he did not repudiate the idea; but, on the other hand, maintained that our enemies might not. be all bad, and that the advantages or otherwise of a separate peace depended on circumstances. If Mr Bonar Law's reply was a mere piece of diplomacy, intended merely to cause a certain amount of distrust or suspicion in the minds of the enemy, there is nothing to be said. We may not admire such tactics, but, compared with the proceedings of most of the Powers involved, they may be pronounced almost innocent. But if, on the other hand, the Home Government seriously contemplate any attempt to arrange a separate peace with the three powers, Austria, Bulgaria and Turkey, we must say that such a step appears to us to be eminently unwise. We have not vet reached such a stage in the war that we can hope to attain the .objects which are generally admited to be desirable, and even necessary. Turkey has been the danger spot of Europe l'or more than a century. She was never anything but a military Power, and tier rule over a large proportion of Europe and Asia has been an unmitigated curse. When she was strong enough to domineer she crushed life and civilisation out of the races over which she ruled; when she fell into weakness and inefficiency, her condition was a. constant temptation to powers like Austria and Germany, who saw in her incapacity an opportunity for their ambitions. The massacre of Armenians in 1915 was a proof that Turkey to-day is the same ' as ever. It repeated on a larger scale I the massacre of Bulgarians in 1875 ! that led to the Husso-Turkish war. !

To-day she is carrying out the same policy towards the Jews of Palestine, and at any time we may expect to hear of murder on an immense scale. To leave such a power in control over a large portion of Asia Minor would be little less than criminal. Whatever may be the fate of the country and the people whom Turkey governs, it cannot be as bad ns the present condition. To leave Turkey in authority means rebellions and massacres among the subjects, and intrigue and jealousies at the Court. But if we turn to Austria, how much bettor is the position. It

>ue that the' mis-government has never reached the same stage of crime, but nevertheless we see Austria combining with Hungary to deprive onehalf of her subjects of elementary justice. The war began by Austria's demand upon Serbia —a demand so unjustifiable and so arbitrary that it has always been considered that it was in itself a declaration of war. Austria has overrun Serbia and Montenegro and behaved there as Germany has done in Belgium. The absence of cables or any means of making known what is taking place should not make us forget these things. Austria holds a large number of Serbians in Bosnia and Herzegovina, whose natural affinity is with the Serbs, and not with Austria, and she denied to Serbia the possession of a port on the Adriatic, which was a necessity for a country which was seeking an outlet for its agricultural produce. It is a debated question whether oilier Slav r:ices in the Austrian Empire desire independence, or are capable of maintaining it, but the position of the Serbs is at least clear, and it involves a settlement with Bulgaria and Greece. Bulgaria is holding territory of which the population is Serbian, though it seems clear that on racial grounds she i> i ntitled to a portion at least of Macedonia. In Greece both Great Bratain and France have treaty rights entitling them to take steps to maintain the constitution conferred on the country at the time of its independence. This constitution has been grossly violated by King Constantine, and it will be for Great Britain and France to act on their undoubted rights. As a matter of fact, it was generally expected that Mr Lloyd George would have taken active measures when he came to power, but obviously be has not found it possible to do more than was done by the previous Government. To make a seperate peace with the three powers at present would be to leave these questions unsettled and to pave the way for another war at some future date. We are not amongst those who think the world has reached a stage in which war can be abolished, but we do think it possible to make a settlement which shall not leave open questions which must cause war within a measurable period. The question of the effect which would be produced on Germany by the withdrawal of her allies is not one on which it is possible to pronounce definitely. Morally it would be a serious blow, but materially it must be remembered that they have been a heavy drag on her resources and contribute but little to her strength, and we shall do well to remember that whatever form the settlement takes, and whether it comes I now or later, Austria will continue to be a satellite of Germany. For a brief period after the war mutual discontents will keep them apart; it will be, however, only for a time, for identity of interests, the claims of race, and the effect of proximity will combine to unite them again as effectually as in the past. It should be our business to see that they have no power to command the services of millions of Slavs who have neither sympathy nor interests in German ambitions.