The Waikato Times AND THAMES VALLEY GAZETTE. Equal and exact justice to all men, Of whatsoever state or persuasion, religious or political. SATURDAY, JULY 16, 1892.

Waikato Times, Volume XXXIX, Issue 3121, 16 July 1892, Page 2

The Waikato Times AND THAMES VALLEY GAZETTE. Equal and exact justice to all men, Of whatsoever state or persuasion, religious or political. SATURDAY, JULY 16, 1892.

Tiie progress of the elections to the Imperial Parliament is watched with the keenest interest by every man who appreciates the fact that he is a part and parcel ol that great nation the future of which depends perhaps to a greater degree on the result of the voting of the people, than at any former time since the establishment of those parliamentary institutions which have so effectually safe-guarded the freedom of the people, and gradually built up the greatest nation which has as yet existed on the globe. 80 far as can be fathomed MrGladstone seems likely to secure a majority,but that majority would not exist were it not. for the Irish constituencies, the members returned by these are therefore in the position to dictate terms to the ministry of the immediate future. That those terms will be even more stringent than those which it was proposed to acendo l:y the Bill of 18SG there can bo no doubt, the only check upon the Irish members will bo the •lunger of awakeuing a section of Mr Gladstone's followers to n sense of the great- risk there would be to the whole empire, and to Ireland 1 in particular, by placing unchecked power in the hands of the class of j men which at presont lead the Irish party, men who gnvo a sample of i

their true metal in No. 15 committee room, and ngviin only the other diiy, over the dispute its to the management of the Jb'reeinan's Journal. It is practically unchecked power that the party will demand. Customs, police, and the appointment of judges are to vest in the proposed Parliament. Mr tihtilsnue has not yet .spoken, but as ho will be entirely at the mercy of those who will make the demand, compliance will be a necessity. He stands to-day in exactly the same position which he depicted in a speech delivered in 1885 during his Mid-Lothian campaign. He said: "If the Liberal party was in a position, where it was only a minority, dependent on the Irish vote to turn it into a majority, I tell you sincerely and solemnly that, although I believe the Liberal party itself to be honourable, patriotic, sound and trustworthy, yet in such a position as that it would not be trustworthy. In such a position as that it would not be safe for it to enter upon the consideration of the principles of a measure with respect to which, at every step of its progress it would be in the power of a party coming from Ireland to say, 'Unless you do this or that we will turn you out to-morrow.' " If Mr Gladstone were to act on the opinion he has thus laid down, he would not attempt to force the Home Rule question; but to retract is as impossible as it is to be sincerely hoped advance will prove to bo. He is in the power of the Irish members and they are not likely to spare the spur. Their leaders have again and again proclaimed that it is absolute independence they demand and absolute independence they will have, or nothing. He will find the party more difficult to manage than when under the leadership of Mr Parnell, and it is quite on the cards that, no matter what his Bill may concede, a section will pass the Speaker on the opposite side. In considering the balance of parties, we must not overlook the significant fact that a considerable number ef those who are classed as his supporters are only distinguished by the letter L. without the prefix Q-. It is fair to be assumed that these men are not pledged to the support of a Bill the leading provisions pf which are stil 1 in nuJnbus or concealed in the secretive brain of Mr Gladstone. It is fair to presume that these men, having refused to commit themselves, will have sufficient grit to leave his banner when it is leading them to aid in the disruption of the Empire or the infliction of a gross injustice by handing a section of the population of Ireland over to the mercy of their hereditary enemies and the priesthood of a church they detest. These men have always been loyal to the throne and constitution, and to desert them in the manner Droposed would be a greater blot on the English people than any of the iniquities which in past times have been perpetrated on their enemies. We do not believe that the English people have descended so far in the scale of humanity as to commit this great wrong. It is a want of a true appreciation of the position that has given Mr Gladstone his majority, so far as the votes have been influenced by the Home Rule question. There are many, however, who have voted for his supporters for reasons altogether outside the Irish question, based on the pledges to introduce measures for the improvement of their social position contained in the Newcastlo programme, which every man knows perfectly well are incapable of fulfilment if the Home Rule question is to be forced through the House of Commons, with the certainty that it will be rejected by the Peers. This will necessitate an appeal to the country on the specific question and there should be little doubt as to the verdict, that Mr Gladstoneshould secure a majority of any description would be little short of a national calamity. Ireland, under the rule of the present Government, was gradually improving, political crime has died out, the country has commenced to advance in prosperity with every prospect of its continuing to do so. It is said that the ab ■ 3ence of crime is due to the stringency of the Crime Act, if so the enforcement of the measure is justified by the result. But the fact must not be lost sight of that the repressive measures of the Gladstone Government were more stringent than the present Act, but i they had not the same effect, for the , reason mainly that Mr Gladstone was weak on the question. There is no more true sign of weakness than spasmodic severity with an interlude of yielding to the demands attempted to be enforced by lawlessness. Nothing is yet known authoritatively as to what form the measure would assume, but one of the leaders of the Irish party stated the other day they wanted the freedom of Ca iada and at the same time to send members to the House of Commons to decide upon Imperial questions and those affecting directly the other divisions of the nation. Comment on this proposal is needless. The end is not yet, and there can be little doubt but that should Mr Gladstone's measure ever come before the country, it will cause such an awakening to the true position that the ghost of Home Rule will be laid for many generations. Mr Gladstone evidently feels that this would be the probable outcome, otherwise, he would have divulged the leading principles of his measures for the consideration of the constituencies.