THE HON. F. WHITAKER ON FEDERATION and ANNEXATION.

Waikato Times, Volume XXII, Issue 1797, 12 January 1884, Page 4

THE HON. F. WH I TAKER ON FEDERATION and ANNEXATION.

The following is the concluding portion of the address delivered at the Theatre Royal, Auckland, on Tuesday evening :— - ' THE CONVICT .SETTIiEMENT.s, Arid now there is another point to which I wish especially to direct your at tontion. It is one, 1 think, of which thp importance cannot be exaggei ated— l mean the question of French convict settlements in the Pacific. The Convention felt strongly on this subject. It was desirous of passing a resolution a.s forcible iv terms as the subject was important, for the purpose of bringing the Biibject in the strongest li^ht betore the Imperial Government. This is the re solution : " That the Convention protests in the strongest manner against the declared intention of the Government of France to transport large numbers of relapsed criminals to the French possessions in the Pacific, and urges Her Majesty's Government to use every means in its power to prevent the adoption of a course so disastrous to the interests of Australasia and the Pacific Islands." What was desired was that France should not continue to maintain penal settlements in the Pacific, and much less that she should transpoit her criminal population to those islands, to overrun the settled colonies without impediment. If there was one subject upon which the Convention felt moie strongly than any other it was the subject of French criminals. I have been informed, and I believe it to be true, that at the present tune in New Caledonia there are 8000 of these criminals. From time to time as the service of each of these people expires they are at liberty to go to all parts ot the world, except to France. In the course of time these criminals will spieart themselves all all over the Australasian colonies. We have had instances of their coming to New Zealand. But if the evil were even confined to the neighbourhood of a disciplinary penal establishment, it would not be so serious. But tin? Fiench Government have taken a new depai tine in dealing with their criminal classes They have now introduced a law which I hear has passed through their popular Assembly, although I am not awaie in what position it at present stands, as we have had no news as to what has been further done with it, but they have proposed a law, the object of which is to send away fioin Fiance a veiy laige number of their very wor-at ciunmals. These are described by a French statesman as criminals of the most " daugcious character, steeped in vice and debauchery."' The object was not to send them to New Caledonia to be treated as eiimhnls, but to land them on the shoies of these islands, where they would acquire at once their liberty, and dispeise themselves over the whole of the Pacific colonies — Australia and New Zealand. I cannot conceive anything wor^e or uioic wicked than such a pi oposal as that. I cannot imagine any tiling in the nature of a public wiong greater than to let loose criminals ot such a type among the Australasian settlements and the Pacific Islands. As to the number that will probably be let loose in this manner, I am almost shocked to think of its magnitude. lam shocked to think that any civilised nation should cast its lefu&e population upon the world in that way. If is proposed to send from Fiance to New Caledonia 60,000 of such criminals; to the Loyalty Islands, 23,000 (3000 the first ycai, and the re mainder in Jive years). It is considered that 100,000 of these convicts will be sent out fiom France. It must be remembered that these ciiminals are not to be kept in confinement. They are not to serve a term of yeais and then be released nothing improved by penal discipline. They are to be cast loose on the Pacific Islands — in places wheic they could not possibly lemam, because they could not get a living — and they are at liberty to depai t whithei soever they will, spreading themselves in time tin ough the whole of the colonies and settlements in the Pacific Ocean. We may rauo'iably object to such a determination on the part of any countiy. To excuse an action of this kind is impossible. Even to attempt to justify it would be wicked. What is the meaning of this tinns>poita tion of free criminals to Australiin colonie&, including of course New Zealand ? It means gi eater expense in pieserving the peace ; it means danger to life and propeity ; it means the destiuction of the attractiveness which these colonies have possessed for labour and capital. Loid Dei by, in answeung the telegiam which was sent with regairt to the precise facts made inquiiy as to the number of convicts which had escaped fiom time to time. As you are awaie, a number of those convicts who weie transported to New Caledonia ha\ c from time to time escaped, and some of them have come down to New Zealand. Lord Derby, when he got the l evolution with legaid to annexation and with regaid to the Fiench convicts which were telegraphed to him, t3l 'graphi d back again, "Resolutions of Convention will receive early and careful considciation. Can colonies supply number of, and particulars of escaped New Caledonian convicts arrested in colonies."' The colonies did supply the pai titulars as far as they weie able. It was found with regard to New South Wales that IoS convicts had escaped and landed there, 56 in Queensland, and 33 in Victoria. I am not aware how many of these were in gaol in other colonies, but I recollect being informed that out of the 33 that had gone to Victoria 30 were actually in gaol at the present time, or at all events had been convicted of felony. You can, therefore. &Ec the position in which these colonies would be placed if this scheme of the French Government were carried out of allowing the colonies to be flooded with convicts of the worst description, and will agree that it would be perfectly justifiable for the colonies of Australasia to use every means in their power to prevent such a disastrous thing taking place. (Cheers.) I say we ought to rise as one man, and protest against it, and use onr best endeavours, by any possible means, to prevent it. (Cheers.) Itii true that the colonies of Australasia have to a limited extent certain means in their power crdealing with the question, but itisa very cumbersome and veiy clumsy way. Before the Convention broke up a lesolution was proposed by myself to this effect :—: — " That in the opinion of this Convention, the several colonies of Australasia, in order to meet any imminent danger, should without delay pass a uniform law to pievent the landing on their shores of persons fiom penal settlements in the Pacific who have been convicted of ciime." That resolution was unanimously carried by the Convention, and every desire was expressed that full effect should be given to to it, and it is proposed at the present time that a bill should be drawn tor the put pose of being submitted to the vaiious Legislatures, which should have the effect of pi eventing the lauding on these shores of any persons whatever from the French convict settlements, unless they hi ing a certificate of character that they are not convicted felons. (Cheers.) We have that power within ourselves, and clumsy as it is, we can exercise it. Some two or three years ago they passed a law iv Queensland somewhat to that effect ; but the Home Government then thought that there was not such an emergency to warrant it, and they disallowed it. Victoria passed a law to prevent convicts from being landed there, and I say, as we have got rid of fconvicts being sent to us from Great Britain — for we refused them, and we have the power to reject them—l say then thai it would be a monstrous thing that we should admit the convicts from other countries to be let loose upon us. (Cheers.) If we have kept out convicts from our own country aforciora, more strong still is the reason why we should keep them out when coming from other countries, especially from France. Now, with regard to ouvielvci, we have these me»ns at oar

disposal ; but what are we to say as to the Islands of the Pacific ? We have au interest iv them ; we trade with them ; we h.ive sympathies with them to a certain extent ; we have missionaries in them ; and they aie to a certain extent dependant upon us ; and if aftei wards we become confederated it is of the greatest importance that we should keep such characters as French convict- away from them. But how is if. to be done ? There arc no possible means, and the inevitable consequence would be that they would disperse themselves tluoughout these islands The result would be th.it some of the finest countries in the world — these Pacific islands— will be turned into a perfect Pandemonium. Now, I say, it is our duty, as far as we can, to save the islands from the disastrous state of things which would be cast upon them. Not only should we endeavour to take cue of ourselves but we should endeavour to take care of them at the same tune, and free them from to imminent a peril and from so great a danger, (cheers.) FEDERATION*. Now, then, we come to the question of federation. As I told you, there were three important questions to be considered by the Convention. One was these French convicts, another was the annexation of the islands, and the third was this question of federation. All of them are to a certain extent mixed up together, because if we were federated with sufficient powers we should not have to appeal to England to keep out convicts, or to reject them afterwards when they came upon our territory. We should be able to do that; ourselve3. But it is very difficult for eight different colonies to come to the same conclusion, and therefore it is of the very first importance that we .should be federated at in such a way as would enable us to deal with any such subjects ourselves without reference to anybody else. Therefore the federation question was one that received a groat deal of attention. We were accused of passing it over lightly, and of not paying sufficiant attention to it. We are accused of slurring it over, and of passing resolutions which implied, to a ceit.iin extent, that we did not understand them. But I can assuie you that such was not the case. Thegieatcst possible attention was paid to this federation question. The Con\ ention sat for ten days. On the second day the subject was brought forward and it was moi e or less discussed— certainly amongst ourselves— every day. It was discussed in the Convention on four or fi\ c diffeient occasions. It was lefened to a committee for the purpose of f taming a measure on the subject. The committee dehboiated and bi ought up a report, which was discussed. It was then in troduced into a Bill for the purpose of setting foith to the Impel nl Government pieciscly what we wanted' and then the Bill was gone through thiee diffeient times, and was duly and fully considered incvery po&biblc respect. It was impossible that greater attention could have been paid to any measure than was paid to this, and we telt that avc were not open to the chaigc that we did not give it sufficient attention, and that we weie doing that of which w e did not know what the effect would Le. With legard to federation, wo had a precedent before us which we followed as neatly as we could. The Convention itself no doubt did not possess the power of passing laws or of doing anything effective, but it had the powei of drawing up a mcasuie which was to be submitted to the Legislatuics, and which would aftei wauls be submitted to the Impeiial Government. With regard to the chaige that was made against the Convention that they weio assuming functions which they had no right to assume — that they were dealing with subjects which were encroaching on the liberties of the diffvient colonies — all I can say is that flic (Join ention never arrogated to itself anything of the kind. I would, therefoie, tell you exactly what appiaisto me to bo the status of the Convention by reading to you exactly what was stated with tegard to the earliest Convention in Canada, and which sets foi th entirely the positiou taken by the Convention which assembled in Sydney the other day. The Convention was held m Churlottetown for the federation of the Canadas, and it set forth this : — "It is to bo borne in mind that this Convention is not a public representative body, having power to legislate, determine, or finally affect the public interests, but rather a committee ot public men deputed by their several Governments to inquire into and report upon a proposition which might or might not ultimately be adopted, but which, before either its adoption or rejection, would be subject to a searching and exhaustive public discussion in theseveial Legislaturesof the provinces. ' It would have been impossible, 1 think, satisfactorily to have dealt with the question in any other way than the manner in which it has been dealt with up to the picscnt time. To have called these Legislatures together — eight Legislatures of the different Australasian Colonies —called them together without laying anything specific before them, would have been but a waste of their time, and could by no possibility lead to any advantage or any good. What was desired to be done was this, that something specific should be placed before them — tint the several colonies should agree amongst themselves as to what should be done, and then that the respective Governments should propose to the several Legislatures such course as they thought fit. Not only did we do that, but we did moie, we passed a clause which was to be inserted in the Bill, to this effect, that although the colonies should in the first instance assent that such a measure should be passed, ami the Imperial Government aftei wards passed it, it should still be open to the different colonies to reject such Bill if they thought fit, thus leaving it to the different Governments to lay it before their Parliaments, so that the matter might be fairly and fully discussed. The measure would thus be remitted to the people themselves. It is for them to say whether they will have the federation or not. We in no respect attempted to bind anybody. All we did was to put together what we considered was a feasible scheme, not for the purpose of being passed off hand, but for the purpose of being submitted to the Legislatures of the colonies, then submitted to the Impeiial Government, and again brought back, so that the colonies would have a second reflection upon the matter, and would be able to deal with it as they thought fit. I cannot conceive how any feeling to the contrary could have existed, I will not say among the people of New South Wales, but with the papers of New South Wales. I cannot bee how they could by any possibility come to the extraordinary conclusions they did. which conclusions were published from time to time in their papers, as to the proceedings of the Convention. (Cheers.) At the same time I am bound to say that this feeling did not show itself in the slightest degree in the Convention. The delegates from New South Wales and the delegates from Victoria worked most harmoniously together. Nor did I perceive that outside a certain number of people, a very few indeed, so far as may observation went, there was any such feeling existing in reference to the position of the Convention. The papers in Victoria took altogether an opposite view. THE FEDERATION BILL. Now, the Bill which we prepared is here. I am not goinp to read it to you. A great deal of it is matter of course ; but there are some few matters in it to which I think your attention should be called, because they are of very considerable importance. It shows precisely what was the view of the Convention as. regards this very important question of federation. In one portion of the measure it says , this :—": — " 5. Each colony shall be represented in the Council by two members, except in the case of Crown colonies, which shall be represented by one member ? each. 6. The Legislature of juijj colony niay make such

pointment of the representatives of that colony, and for determining the tenure of their office." The Convention would not even propose thattheie should be laid down by the Imperial Government or Parliament the mode in which those gentlemen who are to net in the eon fedoraey should be appointed. It left it entirely to the colonies ; in fact the moat perfect freedom is left to the colonies to do what they think n't. They will be invited to deal with it, but they arc not bound by what has been done They are free to deal with it as they think fit. If they adopt the Act they will take such steps *as they think fit as to the gentlemen who are to attend the Conference. They will have the power of dcclaiins themselves as to the mode in which those gentlemen shall be elected. Now a most important clause of the Bdl is clause 15. I call your particular attention to it for this reason : It was assumed that we intended to deprive the Legislatures of the different colonies of their liberties and of their right of dealing with different subjects. That is an entire misapprehension, you will see, when I point out what is the effect of this 15th clausp, which gives power to the federated Australasian colonies to act. They are to have the power of legislative authority over all Her Majesty's possessions in Australasia, and so far as may be necessary over all British ships sailing between them, and in respect to several matters, (1) " Matters affecting the relations of Australia with the islands of the Pacific." Now, no colony can deal with that in any way whatever at the present time. Therefore, so far as the power is given to deal with this question, it encroaches upon nobody's liberties, or upon no liberty whatever of any of the LegislaI tures of these colonies. The second matter is the " Prevention of the influx of criminals." Now, we have that power of prevention to a limited extent at the present time, but what is the use of one of the colonies preventing convicts from coming if all the other colonies or any of them permit it ? What the convicts would do would be to go to the colony where they are permitted to land, and then they would percolate thiough the other colonies of Australasia. Unless there is common action, unless we all agree to some specific law on the subject it will be impossible for us to act effectually in keeping French convicts from coining to the different colonies. It is clear that we cannot at present deal with these two subjects — that we want power to deal with them, the only mode is by fedeiation of the different colonies and the passing of a uniform law on the subject. Another matter is the power to deal with the " fisheries in Australasian waters beyond territorial limits." At the piesent time that has more particular application to Queensland for this reason. They have very important fisheries theie. The moment you get three miles outside the land jurisdiction ceases, and the consequence is that the greatest offences are committed between Queensland and New Guinea. Now, what we want is power to deal with this subject. We cannot deal with foreigners, but we can take power to deal with our own people when they go three miles beyond the shores. I do not know that anyone can object to that. It appeal s a very leisonable thing. Individual legislatures have no power at piesent to deal with it. What we want is that Federated Australasia should have the power of doing so. There is another matter dealt with in the loth clause of the bill which is of considerable importance to this colony. It is this, the carrying on of civil processes of the courts of any colony within the Australasian possessions out of the jurisdiction of the colony in which it was issued. At present the position is this : You get judgment in one of the courts of New Zealand, but that has no operation whatever in the Australasian colonies. You have to commence a new suit in the Australasian colonies for the purpose of enforcing you claim against a. person who has left the colony of New Zealand for the purpose of domiciling or remaining for a time in Australia. Now, is it not a reasonable thing that we should have the power of dealing with this matter ourselves ? It takes no power fiorn the local Legislature. It is a thing of considerable importance, especially in a mercantile .community, that when a judgment is given by a court of of competent jurisdiction in one of these colonies that that judgmeut should have force and effect throughout the whole of the Australian colonies — (cheers.)— and if we get the islands of the Pacific annexed, it would of course have the same operation there. But at present a man who owes money can go away to Fiji, or Samoa, or some other places, and he takes his money with him. There is no mode dealing with him whatever in an effective or efficient manner, and it is desirable that we should have such power, and if hereafter we should annex any of these different islands we should have the power of dealing with, and of reaching those persons who may abscond to those islands for the purpose of evading the payment of their just debts under the civil pnee-s of our Courts. Other provisions ot this clause are — the enforcements of ju Igments of Courts of Law of one colony in another, the enforcement, of criminal process beyond the limits of the colony in which it is issued ; and the extradition of criminal offenders (including diserters of wives and children), deserfcera from the Imperial or colonial naval or military forces. No power exists at present for dealing effectually by the colonial Legislatures with any of these subjects. You will all admit their importance, and it is necessary, therefore, that some such power should be given. It can be given only in one way, and that is by federal union of the different colonial possessions. Now, that is all that has beeu recommended at present by the Convention to be passed into law, and all that is recommended to the Imperial Government, is to pass an Act conveying these powers, and then, as I have already told you, it is possible for the different Legislatures to reject or adopt them as they think fit. I hardly think that they would be so insane as to reject benefits of that description, or say that any disadvantage could accrue from laws being enacted for dealing with these subjects. Then the clause goes on to say : Such of the following matters as may be referred to the Council by the Legislatures of any two or more colonies, viz. : General defences, quarantine, patents, copyrights, bills of exchange, uniformity of weights and measures, and any other matter of general Australian interest, with respect to which the Legislatures of the several colonies can legislate within their own limits, and as to which it is desirable that there should be a law of general application. Provided that the authority of the Council shall extend only to the colonies by whose Legislatures the matter shall have been so referred to it, and to such colonies as may afterwards submit to it. You will see that we have been most careful to guard the liberties of the different Legislatures of the several colonies. We have in no respect encroached upon them. We have asked that power should be given with respect to several matters which they cannot individually deal with, and matters which should be dealt with on a common law. What we want is that the colonies themselves should be brought within the power of the Federal Council. I have dealt particularly with this part of the subject for the reason that so much has been said in New South Wales to the effect that we were encroaching on the liberties of the colonies — that some morning they would rise up and find the Federal Council had been sitting, and that all their liberties had passed away. \ (Cheers.) So far then with regard to i federation. THE CONFEDERATION WANTED. What we desire is that a confederation • shoiild, take, place, from winch we may deiive a great number of advantages,, and from which we coujld receive no kind of detriment whatever. ' It is,qn.ite_cpmpe-j tent after a time, when it is fovpe^in, regKi ty the?« j»v*#f %^W $H^«

Council adopt a wise and prudent course, and that we are f deriving aJvantages,, it is quit'? competent, and provision is made for it by the act, for the colonies to refer other matters to the council to be dealt with by* them* There is no power whatever of taxing, or of dealing with subjects which the colonies can deal with at present except with their consent — except they themselves pass laws enabling it to be done. And I think under the oireumstauces the Convention was most tender ot the libei ties of the whole of these colonies, and instead of being blamed as they have Iteeu blamed for what they have done, T think they deserve commendation for the very careful manner in which they havu preserved the liberties of the people (Cheers.) I am afraid I am 1 sit her wearying you with the length ot the story that I am giving, but the matter is of that importance that I am desiious that you should perfectly understand what the Convention has done and the position in which the matter stands at present, and the ste s which heieafter have to be taken before anything effective can be done in consequence of any la\v that is passed in conformity with their resolutions. I had very great doubts myself as to the success of this Convention when it was proposed to be gone into. I knew that there were very great jealousies in some of the colonies at all events. No such feeling existed in New Zealand, but it did exi&t in the Australasian colonies. I should point out to you that the questions which I have brought before you to-night are no questions of a party character. We should be united as one man for the purpose of giving effect to what we believe to be essentially necessary for our own safety, for our own preservation, and for our own advantage, tind I do hope whenever the occasion arises, whenever the matter comes before the Legislature of New Zealand, I do hope, I say, that party politics will be entirely set aside. I think that to some extent this will be the case. I feel that the party leaders of Now Zealand feel as strongly as I do the necessity of, and the good effects which will be produced by the annexation of the islands of the Pacific, and of dealing with the subject of federation. lam quite aware that this will be so from the address which you heard a short time ago > from the principal leader ©f the Opposition in Parliament at the present time. (Cheers ) I am not at present, nor am I likely to be again, in the Government, and theiefore, so far as I am concerned, it is not a matter of party politics with me. I am entirely free from that, and I shall with the greatest pleasure act side by side with Sir George Grey or any other gentleman who takes up this view, and endeavours to carry out that which I believe to be for the interest and for the benefit of the people. I believe that the inteie&fc and the benefit of the people is here involved ton\ cry large extent. I believe that it is of the very greatest importance that the resolutions of this Convention should be carried out, and I have the greatest faith and the greatest confidence in the patriotism of the principal men of New Zealand that they will throw aside all party considerations, and at once endeavour to give effect, in the best possible manner, to that which they believe to be essential for the benefit of ths people, (Cheers.) I should say that the Convention, as you are aware, has to a certain extent done its work. But it has happened with other conventions which have from time to time been held that nnthing has followed from their deliberations, that nothing has followed from their resolutions ; but, in order to prevent that happening in the present case — for this, I apprehend, was a Convention of far more importance than any hitherto held — one involving greater interests and of much more importance to the people —in order that this should not happen, we took cave that the matter should be pushed forward. We appointed a committee consisting of the Premiers of the six different colonies with representative institutions, to watoh the work, and to keep the Home Government up to their promises, ana to enrry out as far as possible executively all that has been agreed to by the Convention. Those gentlemen will, I have no doubt, watch this matter with great care, and will deal with it with great judgment. If it be necessary for the Convention to meet in consequence of any communications that may arrive from the Imperial Government, that they shall have the power to call the Convention together again. I have no doubt that if it is found of importance that the Convention should meet for the further consideration of any question, it will again be called together. The gentleman who was chosen as the Chairman of the Committee was ths Premier of Victoria — a gentleman sanguine in temperament and most energetic in action ; and I have not the slightest doubt that he will fulfil the duties of chairman with the very greatest advantage— that he will take care that those who have anything to do with this matter will be reminded of their duty, and that the Imperial Government will not be allowed to go to sleep over it. (Cheers. ) THE DUTY OF TICK COLONIES. Now, it appears to me that these colonies of Australasia have a great duty before them, and that they have a great trust in their hands. It is for them, I think, to lay the foundation of what may hereafter become a great Empire of the Pacific. I believe that we shall, at a future time, perhaps not in my life-time, or perhaps not in the life-time of many of yourselves, see that the Pacific is destined to become a great Power in the world. The confederation of these colonies and islands is going to become a very important factor in the government of the world. I think that there is, therefore, a duty now cast upon us — a duty oast upon the present generation, they should as far as possible lay a firm and good foundation for that Empire which may hereafter arise. I say tint we have a great trust imposed upon us, and one which we should by no means attempt to evade. (Cheers.) We all know that great empires rise and fall. We know that many great empires of antiquity have passed away, and that it is very difficult to distinguish where their capitals existed. We know that the power of Rome has passed away. We know that from time to time new countries are rising up.America and other placesire now taking a great part in the government of the world. We know that Spain had larger colonies than Great Britain at a former time, which have become separate nations of themselves. I say God forbid that it should be so, but it is possible that some day or another the British Empire may be broken up. I most earnestly desire that I should never see it, or that for generations to come it shall not happen ; but we must not shut our eyes to the fact that everything here has its time and place, aud I say it is of the very greatest importance that we should at the present time endeavour, as far as lies in our power, to prepare for the worst. If Australasia is united, and still further if it acquires the islands of the Pacific, we shall then be of the greatest assistance to Great Britain, as part of her Empire. If we should be disjointed, If we should exist as seperate colonies, we should have the old fable of the bundle of sticks realised. United we should be strong, and we should be able to take oar position in the world, but broken up like a bundle of sticks, we should have no power, but should.be at the mercy of any enemy that may choose to come down upon us. I earnestly desir that nothing like this should take place, but I say that, it is our duty not only to look at the present, but also to look at all the facts, . and, also to look forward to, posterity, and to make the best possible provision, we can Wake. It is a duty incumbent j upon ! "Us— it is a trust reposed in our hands. I hope we shall never subscribe toithat very .narrow oreed — "'tiet us/eat and.drjnkj. J-q-sdav,, tot;[to-mo^foyr, yre.die,^ In; dther;lvyprda, it is a fitter ;whjob, does, not enebt'us peraoqtUyfpij|yV>s£}w JftQ^/f9sferA*bjm My& y$ :i m%~

after us, but I say when we are placed in the position that these colonies are placed in at the present time, it is our duty, it is our iuterest, to make the best provision we can for the future. It is a duty we owe to our children and to their posterity which shall come after them. It is our duty to do all that we can to secure, the federation of the Australasian colonies, and I bhall be very glad hereafter that my name shall be mentioned among those who took the initiative for the purpose of carrying out that great idea -the federation of the whole Pacific — the converting the whole Pacific into one grand , empire at a future time (Cheers.) It lias been said over and ovei again "Well, but the time is not convenient, the time is not opportune, it will do to let it stand over, there i* plenty of time." Now, I say that we shall never, at any other time, have a better opportunity than at present. The whole of thc&e colonies, the Governments of these different colonies, aio unanimous in the opinion that the time has now arrived when this important question shail be dealt with. The Imperial Government is quite prepared to do it. The present Government of England is encouraging us now in the direction in which we are going. I say that eveiythmg is favourable. I say that delay is a thing that ought not to be dreamt of for a moment, that now is the time to act. I shall quote to you a few lines from' the great poet— " There irf a tide in the affairs of men, Which, taken at the flood, leads on to fortune ; Omitted, all the voyage of their life Is bound in shallows and in miseries. On such a full bea we are now afloat, And we must take the current when it serves, Or lo&e our ventures. " I say let us consider the effect of neglecting our duty at the present time. The tide is serving us. We must take advantage of the current. Now is the time, and it is the duty of every man in New Zealand— the duty of every man in these Austin lasian colonies to take these things into serious consideration and deal with them at onee — to make up his mind at once, and to consider all that I ha\esaid tonight, which is only half of what could be said in favour of that which is proposed to be done. I hope that, throwing uside nil party considerations, all feeling of every description, New Zealand will step forward and place herself in the position she ought to occupy, as one of those countries which shall be bound up in a grand federation for the present, and a grand Empire for the future. (Loud and prolonged applause. ) Mr J. C. Firth said at that late hour, after the lucid, comprehensive, and exhaustive speech the meeting had heard, he did not intend to make an addiess. He thought the Conference had deserved the thanks of the people of all the colonies for their efforts to preserve their fair fame, and deliver them from an influx of foreign crime ; for the many and great advantages which were brought near by their deliberations. He hoped this would be a federation of the colonies, not only with each other, but with the Empire. And it would have claim to have a voice in all that concerned the Empire. (Cheers.) Federation had made America one of the grandest nations of the earth. He looked forward to confederation of peoples of the English speaking race all over the world. He begged to mo» r e, " That the thanks of thisineeting be presented to the Honorable Mr Wliitaker for his able address on the subject of the federation of the Australasian colonies." Mr J. M. Shera seconded the resolution, which was earned amidst loud cheers. Mr Whitaker, in acknowledging the compliment paid to him, moved a vote of thanks to the Mayor for presidingThe motion was carried amidst applause.