TELEGRAMS. INTERPROVINCIAL. [BY TELEGRAPH.—PRESS ASSOCIATION.]

Waikato Times, Volume XXII, Issue 1796, 10 January 1884, Page 2

TELEGRAMS. INTERPROVINCIAL. [BY TELEGRAPH. — PRESS ASSOCIATION.]

WELLINGTON Tuesday. The case of child murder against Kate Boyle occupied the Supreme Court the whole day. A.t six o'clock the jury returned with a verdict of guilty, but while in a state of insanity. His Honour said this was tantamount to a verdict of not guilty. The foreman intimated that the jury did not wish to entirely exonerate piisoner, and they again returned to further consider, and have not yet returned. 10.44 p.m. At a quarter past ten to-night the jury in the child murder case returned with a verdict of "Not guilty,'' with a plea of insanity. His Honour ordered the piisoner to be kept in strict custody until the Colonial Secretary's pleasure should be known.

NEW PLYMOUTH, Tuesday. Mr Carkeek, surveying the Mokau route, has returned with the balance of his party. One man strained hitmelf, and had to be sent for medical aid ; another is sick with fever. This, and the swollen rivers through constant rains, has impeded progress. No great engineering difficulties were met with. Mr Carkeek. was within a few miles of Mr Rochfort, and would have gone through but for accident and sickness. Wednesday. The harbour engineer has tested a [ cargo of coal from Mokau. and reports it good for steam purposes, but the consumption is about 23 par cent, more than Greymouth coal. This is easily i counterbalanced, however, by the lower price at which supplies can be obtained.

CHRISTCHURCH, Wednesday. At the Supreme Court, Adolph Duvall, for larceny, got twelve month's imprisonment ; Henry Jones, larceny from the person, five years' penal servitude ; John Lawrence, larceny, three years. John Wilson was acquitted on a charge of indecent assault, and Morris and.Kavanagh were acquitted.of larceny.

DUNEDIN", Wednesday. The dredge has been able to work only four hours on the bar since the 27th October, and the bar has shoaled two feet in that time. The Tarawera sailed to-day on an excursion to the West Coast Sounds. She took 28 passengers from Dunedin, live from Uamaru, 19 from Christchurch, four from Wellington, one from Nelson, 9 from Auckland, 4 four from Hobart, 30 from Melbourne, eight from Sydney, and one from England.

Moxsieub be Narbonxe was one of the most tiresome men in existence. He was one day driving over the Pont Neuf in company with Prince Talleyrand, who was almost driven to despair by his friend's incessant flow of dull loquacity, when suddenly preceiving a man on foot who was yawning as if about to discolate his jaws, the Prince said to M. de Narbonne : " Hush don't speak so loud, people can hear you !" Some months ago the Queen of Italy asked a little girl to knit her a pair of silk stockings as a birthday gift, and gave twenty lire to buy the material. The Queen forgot the circumstances till her birthday came, when she was reminded of it by the arrival of a pair of well-kmitted stockings and the maker's best wishes. Not to be out-done, Queen Margherita sent a pair to her young friend as a return gift, one stocking being full of lira pieces and the other of bonbons. They were accompanied by a little note — " Tell me, my dear, which you like best ?" A reply reached the palace next day — " Dearest Queen,— Both the stockings have made me riied many bitter tears. Papa took the one with the money, and my brother the other." A meeting of the ratepayers of the JPufcelcura. Road District will be held at the school-house, Pukerimu, on Wednesday ? the 16th inst., at 7.39 p.m., to consider an application to open a dew ■road . through- tta swamp, {p the. Maofapikq

THE HON. F. WHITAKER ON FEDERATION and ANNEXATION.

The hon. Mk Whitaker delivered his promised address on Federation in the Theatre Royal, Auckland, on Tuesday night. There was a very large attendance, and the chair was occupied by the mayor. The hon. Mr Whitaker, on rising, was received with loud cheers. He said :Mr Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen,— lt was not a matter of surprise to me, on my return from Sydney, from the Convention, to find that the citizens of Auckland — my fellow citizens— were desirous of hearing what had taken place there. It, no doubt, was of great interest to them. It would have been on my part a willing thing to have said at once that I would accept the invitation given to me and addressed you as I am to do now ; but, as you are all aware, Ministerial responsibility no longer rests with me. I felt it was due to the Government of the country that I should point out that I was abont to accept an invitation of this description, and ask whether or not it would complicate the affairs of the Government in reference to confederation and several matters which were discussed at the Conference, if I were to address a public meeting. If felt it was due because it might have been inconsistent with something which the Government was about to do, but I immediately received a telegram from the Premier, stat- | ing that he saw no objection to my talcing the course I proposed to adopt, and stated that I would by no means complicate what the Government desired to do ; because of course it rests with the Government to a certain extent how the views expressed by the Convention should be carried out. IN'TKREST OK THE SUBJKCT. What I shall say to-night will be interesting to the tnei chant, the trader, the politician, and to the philanthrophist, I do not doubt. There is no question whatever, I think, that the future of Australasia— the future of the Pacific Islands — is one of especial interest to New Zealand, move, peihaps, in some respects, than to any of the other colonies ; and at the same time Auckland itself is more particularly interested than any other part of New Zealand. (Cheers.) Therefore it is, I have no doubt, that a great deal of what I shall say to-night will meet, to a certain extent, with your approval, and will engage your interest. I see a number of ladies here present. I thank them for the compliment they have paid me in being present ; but I feel that the subject I have to deal with tonight is one u Inch I can hardly make interesting to them. When we talk of federation, annexation of the Pacific Islands, and the French convicts, I am sure none of these are very attractive subjects ; and although perhaps interesting to New Zealand in general, and Auckland in particular, lam afraid the ladies aye not much interested in them. I hope, therefore, they will be kind and considerate in their criticism, and they will, in as far as it is not interesting to them, put it down rather to the subjects themselves than to the inefficiency of the lecturer. I should say probably, at the commencement, that the proceedings of this Convention were of the most friendly character amongst all the delegates. I Inve never met a number of men more completely bent on the work they had in hand than I met on this occasion. I may say that, if on any future occasion it should be my lot to be called upon to meet any convention, I only hope to meet similar men, or the same men, as I met on this occasion — men performing their duties with the same regard to the public interests as those who met in Sydney lately. (Cheers.) EXCLUSION OF THE PBKSS. A good deal has been said, especially in New South Wales, as to the non-ad-mission of the Press. That was one of the first questions that arose, and we had to dispose of it. For my part, I thought the admission of the Pi ess would be of advantage, and I deehed it should be so, but the majority were of another way of thinking. lam bound to admit that the reasons on which they came to that conclusion were to my mind, after all, satisfactory. With legard to the admission of the Press, I may say that, when the Convention met, when discussing the mode in which they intended to conduct their business, they came to the conclusion that it was not desirable that it should be an occasion on which long speeches should be made with a view to their publication in the Press, but that it should be more of a conversational character, where every man should be free to express opinions on many subjects —express opinions which might be well worthy of consideration, but which it was not desirable should appear in print. Moreover, as regards the question of the convicts of France, many things, as a matter of course, were said with reference to France which it was not desirable should be published. We felt there a very great grievance, and strong expressions were used. I may say that none have appeared in print, and therefore are not likely to create ill-feeling between France and the Australasian colonies. (Hear, hear). Moreover, it must be remembered that at the time the Convention was sitting, che Parliament of New South Wales was in session, and engaged in the discussion of a measure, to them of the very first importance, namely, the land laws ; and it was felt that the delegates of New South Wales were placed in a difficult position. We met at ten o'clock in the torenoon, and sat till four o'clock in the afternoon. The Parliament meeting at half-past four, it was felt that what took place during the day might be introduced into Pailiament in the evening, and thus complicate matters, and put the Sydney delegates in a false position. Those were the grounds upon which the Press were excluded. It was the desire of the delegates of New Zealand that the Press should be admitted on certain occasions, though perhaps not on all. The delegates of New Zealand, in this respect, received the support of the Victorian delegates. In voting, we voted by colonies, and not by men. There were more than two delegates from two colonies, and thus to the remainder it would have been unfair to have voted simply as men. It was therefore arranged as I belipved it has been on .all former occasions, that the voting should be by colonies, and that if the delegates from any colony did not agree they would abstain from voting. WHAT LED TO THE CONVENTION. Having explained to you the question of the Press, I think the first thing you would like to know would be, How it is this Convention came to be held at the time which it was ? The circumstances arc rather peculiar. I shall endeavour, because they are of very considerable importance, to put you in full possession of what it was that led to the Convention at that particular time. I daresay some of you recollect that in the month of April of last year she Government of Queensland authorised one of their officers to take possession of New Guinea. That was done on the 4th of April, and a British flag was hoisted and possession tak«n on behalf of Her Majesty the Queen.. This, of course, had to be immediately reported to the Imperial Gevernment, and they at once disavowed the act, as on a previous occasion, ten years before, they disavowed the action of Captain Moresby in tailing possession of New Guinea on the part of the Imperial Government. But the despatch from Lord Derby upon the subject is one of a peculiar character, and one of considerable importance. It was dated the 11th of July, and it is printed in the book which I hold in my hand — that is, the report of the proceedings of the Convention. I ask your special attention to it because it opens up a very wide question, and one of very great importance. I am not going to read the whole of it to you, but I shall read a portion. He disavows the act of the Queensland, Government, and refuses to rcw9W9.{li *a having m^Q poaacwQa

of New Guinea on the part of the Imperial Government ; but he says this : — Her Majesty's Government regret that it should be necessary from time to time to refuse assent to proposals coming from individual colonies for the assumption of large and serious responsibilities in regard to places and questions not specially concerning those of Her Majesty'.s subjects who live iv other paits of the Empire ; and I trust the ttaie is now not distant when in respect of such questions (if not for other purposes of Government) the Australasian colonies will effectively combine together, and provide the cost of carrying out any policy which after mature consideration they may unite in recommending, and which Her Majesty's Government may think it right and expedient to adopt. Now, you will see there at once thrown out, as it were, an invitation to the Australasian colonies to uuite in their recommendations to the Imperial Government. They repudiate altogether and I think not unreasonably, recommendations coming from one particular colony being attended to on the part of the Imperial Government, because recommendations of different kinds—looking at the number of colonies, some eight of them — would come from the various colonies, and therefoie would be quite perplexing ; and they would get a numbet of recommendations which were I discordant in many respects ; and therefore, if we want to cirry out any policy as regards .ustralasia in general of the Pacific Islands in particular, it becomes necessary that there should be united action. And hence it was the Convention was called toge ther for the porpose of taking that united action. (Cheers.) This despatch was followed by another. It is more specific. It is dated 31st August last. It is written from the Colonial Office by Mr John Bramston, and he writes for Lord Derby. He says this: — His worship concludes that, after receiving that despatch [the despatch of July 11] the Governments of any colonies desiring to bear the cost of any measures which, as indicated in the two last paragraphs of that despatch. Her Majesty'b Government may be prepaied to take, will confer together and make those united recommendations which have been invited, furnishing al&o an effective guarantee for such expenditure as may be incurred. That. I should say, is with reference to New Guinea. He goes on to say :—: — They will no doubt at the same time consider whether they wish to make jointly any similar definite proposal with legard to other islands not already connected by treaty or otherwise with Foreign Powers. So that the colonies of Australia were thus placed in this position— that it was important &ome measure should be taken with reguard to Australasia dealing with the islands of the Pacific. It was also desirable measures should be taken iv refrence to other matters in which we are jointly interested. It was perfectly clear that representations on the part of individual colonies would have no effect upon Her Majesty's Impel ial Government, and what they desired was that the Australasian colonies— where they desired a certain policy should be canietl out— should unite in one joint recommedation. That recommedation, no doubt, will receive the most careful consideration, with a desire to adopt it, and on the part of Her Majesty's Government. (Cheeis.) In consequence or this dispatch Queensland took the initiative, by proposing that a conference of all the Austtalasian colonies should take place. They are rather out of the way themselves, and felt that the proposal to hold the Conference at Queenslaup would not be likely to be acceptable to the other colonies ; therefore they made on ertures to the Piemier in Victoria, asking him to take upon himself the position of convener, and collect together the different repiesentatives from the colonies. As a matter of course, the proper thing would have been that the Convention should be held at Melbourne ; and, moreover it is a rule that whenever a convention or conference is held, the convener being the person at the particular place at which the conference is to be held, generally is chairman or president, or whatever, he may be called. Mr Service undertook this mattei, but difficulties arose. The difficulty aiose with legarcl to New South Wales, iv that the New South Wales Parliament would be in session upon — as I have stated — the particular question of their lands, and would be unable therefore to attend at Melbourne. The Victorian people very readily gave way, and at once appointed the Convention to be held at Sydney, and the Convention was therefore called and met there. That was the first difficulty that occurred. There were other little difficulties of no great importance, but still they were matters that had to be dealt with, and that had to be got over. In the first place there was the question as to the number of delegates who should be sent from each colony. Some difficulty arose about that. The first proposal was that there should be four. I happened to be Premier of New Zealand at that time, and it appeared to me to be unneceseary that there should be four. I took exception to the number. It was ultimately left entirely to the colonies to send what number they thought fit ; but as I stated the voting was to be by colonies, and therefore it was of little moment how many attended from each colony. The consequence was that that difficulty was got over. Another difficulty was started, and discussed very fully by the Premiers of Victoria and New South Wales. The question was, whether or not the delegates should be taken from one of the dominant political parties in the several colonies, or whether there should be an invitation given to those who were opposed to the Gopernment of the day. This discussion was carried on for some timeNew Zealand taking no part in it whatever. The ultimate result was, in point of fact, that the delegates should be appointed by the Go\ eminent of the day, upon whom rested the responsibility oi carrying out as much as they thought fit af what was agreed upon by the Convention. (Cheers.) [A Voice : Sir George Grey should have been there.] I may here say, as Sir George Grey's name has been mentioned — (hear, hear) — that so fay as I was concerned, it would have afforded me very great pleasure if Sit George Grey had been one of the delegates, (Cheers.) Whatever differences there may be between Sir George Grey and myself, this is no party question, and consequently I would have been perfectly satisfied to work in harmony with Sir George Grey. (Cheers.) But it would have been an invidious thing ii New Zealand alone should have had representatives of the opposition to the Government, and the same course should net be taken by any of the other colonies, several of whom objected entirely to this proposition because the responsibility did not rest with the Opposition in this colony, but with the Government, and it was for them to see the matter through. (Cheers.) Some few weeks ago an address was delivered in this theatre by Sir George Grey, and to a certain extent he has cleared the ground away. He told us at that time what were the efforts made in the past, what was the present position, and what were the hopes and expectations in the future, and in an eloquent address he pointed out that there were duties and obligations before us, and in doing so referred to the Convention to be held in Sydney. That, to a certain extent, has cleared away much that I might have said on this occasion ; but I would follow up that with this remark, that he spoke before the Convention and I speak after, and my object is now to explain to you what it is the Convention did, what it proposes for the future, and how the resolutions carried at the Convention are expected hereafter to be carried out. (Cheers.) • THE DELEGATES. Probably you would like to hear who the delegates were that attended this Convention. In the first place the delegates from New South Wales were the Premier, the Attorney-General, and the Colonial Treasurer ; from Victoria, the Premier, the Attorney -General 'Und tho PQ4tm«tcr-Qe.n,ei^l ; foniN^w &&M,

the Premier and myself j and I shall point out to you so far as I was concerned, I was the only one ot the whole of the members of the Conference who did not hold any office at that particular time. From Queensland we had the Premier, who was also AttorneyGeneral, and we had the PostmasterGeneral ; from South Australia, the Premier, and the Attorney -General ; fromTJasmania, and the Premier and Minister for Lamls. Those were the * representative of the various colonies, who, in fact, represented the Government ; and with regard to the other colonies— there are two other, Fiji and Western Australia— they were of course in a very different position to the Government in other colonies, which had representatives institutions. Fiji is what is called a Crown colony of a severe type. The colony of Western Australia has mitigated to a certain extent the severity of the Crown colony, as members in the Parliament of of the colony are elected by the people. Now, with regard to the representation of Fiji there was a difficulty. Application had been made to the Imperial Government to authorise semebody to act at the Convention on the part of Fiji. Lord Lord Derby authorised the Colonial Secretary to attend for the purpose of representing Fiji at the Convention, and affording all such information as the Convention required in reference to the colony of Fiji. But, unfortunately, the authority for Mr. Thurston did not arrive in time • but it so happened that Mr. T)es Vceux, Governor of Fiji, was in Sydney at the time, on his way to England ; therefore, taking Mr Thurston's place, he offered to attend at the Convention, anil to afford all the information he could in regard to the islands of the Pacific ; and Fiji in particular. With regard to Western Australia, Mr Fraser attended. There may be some eentlemen present who knew Mr Fraser. He was many years ago iv New Zealand, and left shortly after ( overnor Weld's departure, and took office nnder Governor Weld there. In Mr Fraser the representatives of New Zealand met an old friend. He was authorised also by the Imperial Government, and was enabled to take the same position in the Conference as that taken by those who represented colonies which have representative institutions. Those were the gentlemen who attended, and without now praising them or saying much in their favour, I would ask whether it is not a fact that the colonies were represented under the circumstances as fully as they could be represented by the men holding the principal offices at that particular time, and who therefore were placed in positions of confidence. (Cheers.) Those delegates were appointed under the great seal of the various colonies, and therefore they had the most authoritative powers that could be given them under the circumstances. Exception was taken by the newspapers in New South Wales that they were merely private gentlemen met there for the purpose of discussiug those matters. That was entirely a mistake. The Governor of the colony has full power to appoint commissioners or delegates for any particular purposes for inquiry and repoitiug. The delegates at the Conference were appointed to discuss exceedingly important matters, and then submit to their respective Legislatures what they thought should be done. HAWAII AND THE CONFERENCE. Now, a curious incident occurred with regard to the Sandwich Islands, or what has been called the Hawaiian monarch. A gentleman of the name of Aurlley Coote, who is Counsel in Tasmania for the Hawaiian monarch, was instructed 1))' his Government to presnt a protest against the proceedings of any Government or colony in attempting to deal with the islands of the South Pacific. I will not lead the whole of the protest — that would not be worth while — but I will read the commencement of it :—: — " Whereas his Hawaiian Majesty's Government being informed that certain sovereign and colonial States propose to annex various islands and arcbi* pelagoes of Polynesia, does hereby holenmly protest against such projects of annexation, a3 unjust to a simple and ignorant people, and subversive, in their case, of those conditions for favourable national development, which have been so happily accorded to the Hawaiian nation." Now, this is a most extraordinary document. Mr Coote came personally to Sydney for the purpose of dealing with the subject, and to be ready in case any information should be required. With regard to the statement here made that the people of these Polynesian Islands are " simple and ignorant," their simplicity appears to consist in murdering and eating people, or whatever else happens to take their fancy. With regai'd to their "national development," it is certainly a curious fact that, whereas sixty years ago, the population of the Sandwich Islands was 250,000, tan years ago it hid decreased to 30,000, and is, at the present time, not more than 25,000, so that the "development" appears to be tending towards extinction. But the fact of the matter is thir, although the Government of the Sandwich Islands is carried on by a native King and Parliament — His Majesty dates his protest from lolani Palace, Honolulu — the real Government is carried on in the interests of sugar speculators in the United States. What is called a leciprocity treaty exists between the Sandwich Islands and America, by which sugar from Hawaii is admitted free of duty into the United States, and certain reciprocal articles are admitted free on the other side. It happens with regard to these islands, as I have shown, that the population is gradually decreasing, and no doubt in the course of another generation or two it will be all but extinct. Its decrease has been going on very rapidly, a curious commentary on the statement made in the protest that the Hawaiians desire to see in the other islands of Polpnesia " those conditions for favourable national development which have been so happily accorded to the Hawaiian nation !" The protest, it is quite clear, could have no possible weight. But it may be mentioned that although his protest takes the high ground of " national depelopment," and so forth, Mr Audley Coote did not forget to do a little business of his own when in Sydney by attempting to bring before the Conference a scheme for duplicating the cable to Europe, thereby combining his great political functions with his private interests. While protesting against anything being done to retard the national development of the Polynesians, he was at the same time endeavouring to advance his own interest by securing the support of the Convention with regard to the duplication of the cable. THE STATUS OF THE CONVENTION. To pass now to another subject, it is desirable I should place before you the status of the Convention. Tne different delegates, as I have already stated, were appointed under the great seal of their respective colonies, so that their appointment was most authoritatively stamped. They were the principal men from all the different colonies— and I think it desirable I should thus p.oint out their status, because a great deal of misapprehension has existed iv reference to it. Even after the Conference had concluded its sittings, and its proceedings had been pnblished in the public Press, there was an amount of ignorance existing in the General Assembly of New South Wales with reference to it which was remarkable. In a curious debate which took place in reference to it, twelve days, I think, after it had broken tip, this most extraordinary statement was made that some morning the people t>f the colony would awaken to find that the whole of their liberties had departed, and had been vested in the Convention. Nothing could be more mistaken than this, yet long speeches were made on the subject, and it was gravely declared that the proceedings of the Conference were a breach of the privileges of the General Assembly of New South Wales. , The Speaker, in giving a decision as to whether its privileges were touched or infringed by the Coafaww, at qoV out tU«%

Kit \vas altogether out of the question, lip insisted on the member making a potion to justify what lie had said. The speaker went on to say the Conference a merj private meeting of jiivate Irßfclemen met for the purpose of discus Rig certain subjects. But, as I have |ownyou, nothing again could be moie WOneous than this view. The deleftteg, as I have pointed out, weie aprointed by the respective Governors of fie different colonies, the Conference was inctioned by the Imperial Government, Hid held, to a certain extent, at its initance, and w a s in frequent eommunicaiion with the Secretary of State for the solonies, Lord Derby. The status, therefore, of the delegates was such a^ could Duly be given by the Governors of the various colonies, and their appointments Were made in the most authoritative manner possible, THB OBJECTS OF THfc. CONVKNTIOX. But to come to a still moie important ineation. What did the Convention pieet for, and what did it do? As I pave pointed out, it met principally in pgard to the annexation ot New Guinea and the other' islands of the South Pacific, and as regards federation and the Question of French com icts. These were the thiee most important subjects which specially claimed our attention, and «"»ch we met to discuss, and deal with. There were, of couise, many other subjects brought up by different persons, who were anxious that the Convention Should take them up. but had we attended bo all that was wanted to be done, we would have been sitting now, One gentleman Wanted us to colonise the islands with seals, another was anxious that we should take up the question of the extermination of rabbits. (Laughter.) These juestions were brought under the notice of the Convention in the hope that it [Would carry out the views of these ■particular gentleman, but they weie all [beyond its pioper functions. I THE QUESTION OF ANNEXATION". I To come now to the question of annexation. The first resolution which was grossed was to this effect. " That fin thcr Kkuisition of dominion in the Pacific, BQ#th of the Equator, by any foreign Power, would be highly detnmcnt.il so the safety and well-being of the Biitish possessions in Austialasw, and injurious to the interests of the Empire." You will observe that in point of fact this carries the whole subject. What the Convention desired was that these islands of the South Pacific should fall into the hands of England, and hereafter be federated with New Zealand and the lest of the Australasian colonies. The lepiesentativesof New Zealand were under the impression that this was not sufficiently specific, and therefore pioposed as an amendment, " That this Convention respectfully suggests that its object may be effectually attained in respect of islands not connected by tieaty or otherWise with foreign Powers, by cession, pinuexation, or a protectorate, as may be most suitable in each case. ' We were of Opinion that these islands might be most effectually brought under the control of England by one of these modes, and we weie desirous that one of these modes, should be adopted. That ameudment, however, was not carried, simply because it was thought it would took like dictating to the Imperial Government. We also proposed, " That this Convention has no desire to impose undue bnithens either upon Great Bntain or Au&ti.ilasia by any [attempt to colonise or settle any of these [islands, and theiefoie pioposus to limit [occupation to such an extent only as will Ibe sufficient to pi event interference by foreign Powers, and will enable Hei Majesty's Impeiial Government to establish a jurisdiction by Ordeis-in-Council, ■iinilar to that now in opeiation under the Western Pacific Orders, but applicable alike to the subjects of foieign Eations as the British subjects." The Difficulty as regards dealing with these Islands, is that theie is no jurisdiction of Eiat kind w hich can be canned out for wj alike. It extends only toßutish Rejects, and does not touch foreign subjects or the natives. When muidcn and outrages occur, no oulmary tnal takes place, but what is leally war is made tpon the natives by one of Her Majesty's ■hips, a matter which is very much to be Deplored on account of om own people, Iml of the natives of the diffeienfc islands lyho are frequently punished for offences louimitted by other natives. Theiefoie Ive desired that a jurisdiction should be Istablishcd among all these islands, Irhich would restiain not only British lubjects, but foreign subjects and fcatives, and that this should be done by Ene of the three modes —a protectoiate, session, or annexation. To acquit c a Ktle for such a purpose, civilised man lias laid down the most comfortable Boctrine that he has a perfect light to ake possession of islands inhabited by avage races, and that they ever afteryards belong to the Government which iakes possession of them. That is k convenient doctiine. I will not »y anything of its justice. It is nternational law, however, theielore vre were desirous, that the matter iliould be put plainly before the Imperial Jovernment, believing that theie was no ite going round the question. That rxew was supported by the Victorian lelegates, but there was a general feeling ;bat it was not desirable to appear to lictate to the Imperial Government, and ijvls amendment was, after a long distussion, withdrawn by us and a compromise made by an amendment projosed by Mr Berry, and the following iddition was afterwards unanimou&ly jassed : — "That this Convention rerains from suggesting the action by vhich effect can best be given to the oregoing resolution, in the confident relief that the Imperial Government will >romptly adopt the wisest and most ■ffectual measures for securing the safety Bnd contentment of this portion of Her Majesty's dominions." I have great hopes that this resolution will effectually Wo what we desired. It appears to me to lover all the amendments, although I fthonld have preferred it to have been put na. more direct way. We all believed ibe first resolution passed- objecting to breign nations acquiring dominion in the Pacific — would be sufficient for all the purposes we had in view. NEW GUINEA A>'P THE TORRES STRAITS. With regard to New Guinea — for after jl it was that island which brought ibout the Conference— it is divided by ;be 104 th degree of longitude. One-half •emains to the Dutch, and one-half comnandsthe Torres Straits. It is desirkble, therefore, that this, one of the highvjtys of the world, should not be in the foads of a foreign Power. On one side Wtixe Straits in Queensland, and on the AWjide. in New Guinea, and it was teemed of first importance that we should ,ecure this great highway. When we ook around and see how the Imperial Government have taken possession of Gibraltar, Malta and Aden— positions jommanding the great highways of the ivorld— it will be admitted that it is •QUftHy desirable to secure this highway m behalf of Australasia. We have St. Jeorge's Sound, which commands one of ihe principal highways in these waters. Mi it was in the hands of a foreign people, ■they could prevent our traders sailing ftbeir vessels m these oceans with security, End could inflict serious injury upon our KoDinierce. The Torres Straits is another treat highway. We have the Queensland s^e of the Straits, and we desire to K[ve that part of New Guinea which I BLjjjnands the other side, so as to be put lf£ a position to secure freedom to our Bherchant vessels to go backwards |B& forwards, and to prevent hostile Kssels entering these Strait 3. What Eyas desired also was, that we ■should secure New Gninea from the Eorrors going on in that and other KlandSj-and. from that irregular settleInent which is not to the advantage of ■^native's or ourselves. New Guinea is place where settlement in the ordiof the word can be earBfed on. It cannot ba settled in the mvwtv of New Zealand, W w4«

proper management it might be made a valuable addition to Australasia. The products of the natives are such as we require and do not produce, and our products would be of advantage to them, and thus an interchange trade would be opened. TRADE WITH TUB ISLVNPS. I believe it is quite true that trade follows the flag. Wherever the British flag is established there the principal trade will belong to the British people. (Cheers.) Therefore it is of importance that we should secure as far as possible the command of those islands. Many of you may not be aware at the present time of the extent of our trade with the islands. During the last ten years,— l am quoting now from a statement made by the Agents-Geneial in a letter to Lord Derby, in which they call attention to the fact that this trade is of considerable impoitance not only to Australia but to Gieat Britain, because the greater portion of the goods which are from time to time distributed amongst these islands come from England, and are then carried in ships from these colonies— well, during the last ten years the trade has amounted to £6,486,936, and that trade is constantly increasing. Of thai trade Now South Wales gets the greater portion. It employs 1,350 vessels of a total tonnage of 395,391 tons, and has in the time stated imported from these islands £2,147,858, and exported £2,726,227 ; Victoria has imported £162,095. and exported £110,647 ; Queensland has impoited £2899, and exported £82 800 ; and New Zealand has impoited £705,223, and exported £548,137. That trade is therefore of considerable importance, and it is desirable it should be fosteiecl. If the trade could be propeily managed — that is with security and authoiity — it wonld increase, and we should find ourselves benefited by the new older of things. You see that New Zealand has a veiy large proportion of this trade at the pi esunt time. It is capable ot very great expansion, and when it docs extend, it will be of greater service than it is at the present time, and an outlet of great value and piofit to this p.ut of the world. Now, I should say, with regaid to these islands, that there ate not at the present time a least fit for odiuary colonisation. It was tried m Queensland to cultivate the soil by Emopean labour. But that scheme was a complete failiue. The fact is, that the clunate was not suitable for Europeans constitutions, and least of all for the constitution of British people. { It is suitable only for coloured races. ' Even if we had possession of all these islands, any attempt to settle many of them would be, in my mind, a fatal mistake. But we do deshe to take measures for the secuiity of property and life in them. We should desire to encourage the natives in producing the fruits of the soil, we should desire to encourage missionary enterprise in those islands. It appears to me that the attempt to cultivate the earth there by means of European labour would be a very seiious mistake. We have been accused from time to time of desiring to acquiie these islands for the purpose of obtaining their lands. No more unfair accusation could have been made. If those who made it had reflected a little it would scarcely have been made. I &ay that the accession of these lands is not to be deshed. But to encourage thenathe people to improve the capacity for pioducfcion ; to encourage the natives to tiade among themselves and with us, to deshe that trading establishments should be piomoted with these objects in view is a veiy different matter. We believe that no land should be acquneci wheie^ Europeans cannot be employed in cultivating it. That, in my opinion, applies to the whole of the Islands of the Pacific. The Convention pissed a resolution of consideiable importance on this subject. I have it here and will read it to you. That resolution set out, after a great deal of consideration and discussion, exactly w hat the feeling of the Convention -was on this important matter. _ It is, in effect : "That, in the opinion of the Convention, no purchases, or intended purchases of land, bufoie the establishment of Biitish jurisdiction in New Guinea or the other islands, not having a recognised Government, should be acknowledged, except land to be occupied for missionaiy or tiade purposes;" and es'en then that no puichaseof land should be admitted, except by the Crown for like purposes. (Hear, and cheers.) That, I think, was sufficient answer to the charge that all we desired was to acquiie these lauds from the natives and so depiive them of their propeity in them. A Voice : But you have not got New Guinea yet. (Cries of "Order.") Mr Whitaker: Well, I don't know about that. But lam pietty sure that befoie long it will be announced, and the gentleman mliosc voice I hear will see it in the newspapers that we have got New Guinea. (Cheers.) The Imperial Government have not indeed told us that we have it in so many words. But, in answer to that gentleman, I would say this : The Impsiial Government invited us to confer together for the purpose of making united recommendations in regard to New Guinea, and to make different proposals in regard to the other iolands. If" the Imperial Government had no idea of annexation, then it appears to me it was a delusion to ask us to convene and give joint recommendations upon the subject. Now, as that question has been started, it is well that 1 should point out the fact that in the case of New Guinea, if the colony of Queensland were prepared to find the means, Her Majesty's Government were not unwilling that annexation should take place. There is, I think, no doubt before six months shall have passed over that the part of New Guinea which does not,belong to the Dutch will be annexed to the Ciown of England. So far then the Convention would be successful in one respect at least, if not so in regard to the other islands, which may be, in like manner, dealt with, for equally in ! tegard to them the Imperial Government desiied that we should make joint recommendations. (Cheeis.) What we say is, "Put them in such a position that they cannot be appropriated by anyone else." That can only be done by annexation or cessions. Therefore, I say it appears to me the Imperial Government are prepared for the consideration of these questions of annexation or cession, and that they will give effect to the joint recommendations which they have invited. I think the work of the Conference has been done well in these particulars, and that many of these islands will be put in the position I have indicated — viz., that nobody else shall be allowed to appropriate them. Then, again, with regard to these islands, it has been said there is an objection to taking possession of islands of this character, because it would be necessary whenever the Biitish flag wero raised that British law should be carried out to its full length. No greater mistake could be made than that. We find that in the various parts of the world which the Biitish have colonised British law did not prevail throughout the land when the British flag was hoisted over it. We find that the Europeans hardly ever in the first instance endeavoured to carry out British law to its full extent. It would have been thoroughly impracticable had the attempt been made. With regard to New Guinea such att attempt would be absolutely and completely out of the question. The Convention never for a moment entertained the idea that anything of that kind could possibly be done. Even if desired it would involve a large expenditure both of money and life. Therefore such a thing was never desired by the Convention. But what we did want and desire was that which I believe every person in New Zealand would like to see brought about, namely, that the natives of those islands should be encouraged to produce, to trade, and that these islands should be brought under British jurisdiction, that civil officers protecting trade and missionary Stations should qe appointed. Jn this way these Islands would assist each other to develop and progress, and their trade wouW bq wtopcwl to tta different

colonies of Australasia. (Hear, hear.) I say that it is a feasible scheme. It is a scheme that will answer every purpose for the present. It would be found from time to time that one of them could be dealt with in a more advantageous way for all parties than another. This would increase until the whole would be brought withiu the scope of British authority and British law. (Cheers.) I could not name an instance more remarkable than New Zealand itself. You all know that when the British flag was hoisted at Kororaieka (Russell) it would have been impossible to talk about making the establishment of law contemporaneous with that event. You all know what time it has taken before we were able to carry out the law through this country. To talk of carrying it at once through such a country as New Guinea is absolutely out of all reason. Therefore, to say that we should not take possession because we cannot carry out liutish law, is an argument, tomy mind, that falls completely to the ground. (Interruption.) Ido not hear the question which someone has put to me, but I shall be happy to answer that gentleman's question or any other question that may be put to me if he will allow me to say what I have to say. I shall be delighted to enlighten him, although whether I should succeed is quite another matter. (Laughter and cheers ) There is a great deal to contend with no doubt, but there is a great deal to come out of the iust dealing with these islands of the Pacific.

THE ACTION OFFRVNCE.

For tins reason the French have been particulaily active in these regions. The number of islands that have been appropriated by Fiance is much greater than those which have come under "British authority. I cannot but think there has been much supincness on the part of the British Government in neglecting to establish their influence completely amongst them. Opaio, Tahiti, New Caledonia, the Loyalty Islands, the Isle of Pines, the Marquesas Islands, and various others have been acquired by the French in different paits of the Pacific. They have done what our Biitish Government ought to have done. They ha\e secured the iiai hours on the loute by Panama. There are sercial harbours ot the fiist importance on that line. I think it would have been worthy of the fullest consideration that some of those harbours should have been appropriated by Gieat Britain, with a view to piotect her trade between Australia and England by Panama. There is no doubt that will bo the great commercial route of the future. The trade will go there. It has been said with truth that trade follows the flag. It is of the highest importance that the haiboms on the line should not be in the hands of a foreign country, aucl especially, not in the hands of a Power that may be at war with England, and could, by virtue of its position, destioy any trade that exi&ts between Great Britain and her colonies. THE CONFEDERATION AND ANNEXATION BILL. Theie are other islands in the Pacific of which we cannot take possession — the Navigators, for instance— Samoa, Toncja (that is, the Friendly Islands), for this" reason : that the independence of these islands has been acknowledged by Her Majesty's Government, the German Government, and, to a certain extent, by the American Government. But there is no mode by which, without a breach of international law, we can obtain possession of any other island, except by cession. Whether they might be ceded to Gi eat Britain is a question to be determined m the future. Last session an Act was passed by the General Assembly authoiisvng negotiations to be brought about for the accession of any of the islands of the Pacific, That Bill was introduced by Sir George Grey, and by him carried though the Assembly Although hereafter it may be disallowed, it indicates the general feeling on this subject- — a desiie that islands which can be ceded should be so cedpd or at all events be joined to some Australian Confedciatiou. No doubt there is a certain mo\ement taking place in Samoa with a view to annexation to New Zealand. It may bo that something may come of this. It may be that ■we might obtain authority of He Majesty's Government to accept the cession of some of these islands to the Crown or to New Zealand. There is Fiji, for instance. Fiji desires to be annexed to New Zealand. The people there held a meeting to appoint a delegation to proceed to the place where the Convention was held and to present a petition that Fiji might be annexed as one of the Australian colonies, but they favoured annexation to New Zealand. When federation took place, they desired to be included within federation. But, in regard to dealings with questions of internal government or political condition, these were questions beyond the powers or functions of the Convention. When they presented their memorial to the Convention, they were told that they would be included in the Australasian Fedetation, but as to their internal arrangements, the Convention could not deal with that subject. I have pointed out to you thf different possessions of the French in the Pacific and those islands which enjoy an independence or have entered into treaties with. Great Britain or Germany. But besides these, there is a large number of islands that are open to any civilised nation that thinks fit to appiopriate them. France, always active, and much more active than the British or their Government, has taken possession of Raiatea, notwithstanding that there was a treaty which covenanted that that place should never be taken possession of by either France or England. The French flag has been hoisted there. Representations have been made to the French Government upon the subject. It is understood, I believe, that at the end of this year the French flag will be withdrawn. I mention this to show by an example how active the French are in these seas. It is now, I think, the time for us to act, or if we do not we shall not long have the opportunity to do so. On the other side they have taken possession of Easter Island. They are encroaching further from year to year. We will be, so to speak, left in the lurch, unless we do something to prevent further encroachment. By and by we will find that many of these islands are in the hands of a Foreign Power, menacing us in time of war and threatening our trade. lam sure you must see with me that this is a matter of very serious importance. {To be Continued^)