TO THE PEOPLE OF NEW ZEALAND.

Wellington Independent, Volume XXVIII, Issue 3916, 2 October 1873, Page 3

TO THE PEOPLE OF NEW ZEALAND.

It will, I hope, interest my fellowcolonists to know what is the nature of the Permissive Bill, which yesterdaypassed its final stage in the Colonial Parliament. It has been stated in some notices of it which I have seen in newspapers that the prohibitory clauses were thrown out. This is practically, I am glad to say, a mistake. The permissive veto is fully and distinctly vested in twothirds of the adult residents of every district, male and female. The Act does little more than this. A few words will explain how this is done.

There are two ways in which it is proposed to give a permissive veto, or, as it was well designated by Mr Gladstone, a local option, to the people. The first, and in my opinion the most efficient, is that known as Sir Wilfred Lawson's plan. By this it is proposed that two-thirds of the ratepayers in a district may, by a vote, declare that the Permissive Bill shall be in operation, and after that no alcoholic liquors may be sold in such district. If so carried, no attempt to make a change can be made for three years, when the question may be tried again. Another form of giving the popular veto is that known in this colony as the Auckland clause. It gives to two-thirds of the adult male and female residents the power of prohibiting, by a signed memorial, the issue of any particular license, and, of course, they can if they please prohibit all licenses at once, just as Sir Wilfred Lawson's clauses enable them to do. They may put down a single existing publichouse, or put down all. or prohibit any new license, just as they please. The absolute power is in the hands of the two-thirds, and if they so decide, the licensing bench cannot issue a license to the house or houses, against which the public will pronounces. My bill originally contained the clauses known as Sir Wilfred Lawson's. By an amendment made in the House of Representatives the Aucklaud clause was inserted in an earlier part of the bill, and on its being carried by a large majority, I threw over the rest of the bill, including Sir Wilfred's clauses, in order to secure what was so great a step gained. There wer6 other good clauses in the bill which I had to sacrifice, especially the Ohio clause, which makes a publican responsible for deaths and ruin inflicted by his trade ; but to have persevered late in the session in the attempt to carry more, would almost to a certainty have lost what was already gained. I think you will agree that I exercised a wise discretion.

There is also a considerable improvement made possible by the Act in the constitution of the Licensing Bench. You know that it is under the protecting wing of Licensing Benches, consisting of unpaid Justices of Peace, that all the immense evil has grown up, and that drinking houses have been scattered broadcast through the land. The Justices of Peace had proved their untitness to be entrusted with the power of granting licenses or taking them away. My bill as introduced proposed to give to the ratepayers the power of electing a licensing board in each district. I believe in trusting the people with the management of their local affairs. The opponents of the bill, however, did not ; and this part of the bill, after a hard fight, failed to pass. It was, however, enacted that the Licensing Court of each district shall consist of a resident magistrate and such other persons as the Governor may appoint. If the Government takes care not to appoint the class which hitherto has done the mischief, some improvement may take place. But I am little hopeful of any improvement till the whole poAver of regulating the liquor traffic in all its branches is placed in the hands of the people.

From the description I have above given you will see that the people of New Zealand have now, practically to the fullest extent, though not perhaps in the most convenient form, the power of freeing the colony from the intolerable bondage of the publichouse. It will, however, depend on their voluntary action, and will involve very considerable labor and some expense wherever any section of the people determine to shake otf theirshackles. But they can do it if they will. To give the law a fair chance, however, the Government ought to undertake the duty of ascertaining the will of the people. The Act is incomplete in this. If power was given to a certain number of ratepayers (say twenty) in any district to require the Government to take a vote by means of ordinary voting machinery (such as my Bill originally proposed, in connection with Sir W. Lawson's clauses), I believe the Act now passed would very soon be put into operation in many districts. If left to voluntary eftbrfc, it may be longer before it does much ; but there it is on the Satute Book, and you, my fellow colonists, can use it if you will. If you ask why I accepted a measure so confessedly imperfect in this particular, I can only say that if you had had as hard a fight for three sessions to get what I have got, I think you would have done the same. If the Act prove inefficient for want of such machinery as I have indicated, we can add it hereafter, and I will be as willing to fight it through such further amendments as may be necessary, as I have been hitherto to get the principle enacted.

To those friends of temperance in and outside the Legislature who have stood manfully by me, let me say that it now rests with us to find the way to use the weapon placed in our hands. It remains to educate the popular mind up to the point of energetic action. That stage gained, the Act will thenceforth work itself. But we have oar work before us. Let us " bate no jot of heart or hope, but stiJl bear up and steer right onward." William Fox. Wellington, 2nd October.