THE MASSACRE IN GREECE AND THE BRITISH GOVERNMENT.

Wellington Independent, Volume XXV, Issue 3041, 3 September 1870, Page 10

THE MASSACRE IN GREECE AND THE BRITISH GOVERNMENT.

The newspapers from Great Britain by the recent mails are full of articles referring to the massacre by Greek brigands, and to the very voluminous despatches of the Foreign Secretary (Earl of Clarendon) and the British Minister at Athens (Mr Erskine.) The " Daily Telegraph" pathetically remarks : — " How the captives feel will be seen in the Parliamentary papers. We have no need to repeat the pitiful story. Their poor mangled corpses remained silent, yet most eloquent witnesses of the method of their assassination. The very appearance presented by the dead bodies are explained in detail by the report of Mr Bolton, the surgeon of the Cockatrice. It is clear enough that the four gentlemen could not keep up with their captors in their hurried flight, and so they were murdered two and two — poor young Vyner last." All the other papers follow in the same- strain, and indicate the lively interest taken by the Foreign Office and the country in the melancholy story. The necessity for active steps being taken by the Government to protect the lives of four travellers, who had been taken by brigands in a foreign country, under the joint protectorate of Britain and other powers, is fully recognised. The Foreign Minister is loudly praised for his promptitude, the British Legation for its zeal and perseverance. The " Morning Post" April 27, observes that it is a " source of satisfaction and pride to us thai during the whole of this disastrous business our diplomatic authorities have done all that was humanly possible to avert the catastrophe." The " Daily Telegraph," April 27, thinks that " no blame can be fairly attached either to the Foreign Minister in London (Lord Clarendon), or to the British Minister at Athens (Mr Erskine.)" The " Times" of the same date,i in commenting on the official correspondence arrives at the conclusion that " the British Government and the Queen's Legation at Athens have done all that could possibly be done for the deliverance of our countrymen. They went so far as even to propose to transport the brigands and their spoil in a Queen's ship to some place of safety out of Greece. Had this been done, it would have caused grave scandal, for no one could have believed, except for the lamentable event, that such a sacrifice was necessary. As it is, the proposal remains an additional proof of the earnestness with which the Foreign Office sought to save our unhappy countrymen " The "Daily Telegraph," May 9, praises the " energy and intelligence displayed by Mr Erskine at Athens. It was not his fault if the catastrophe occuired. He took on himself great responsibility, and seems at one moment to have been apprehensive lest ' Clarendon should put a spoke in his wheel.' Lord Clarendon did nothing of the kind, but backed him manfully and heartily, only urging him to do eveiy thing that was needful at all hazards." Nor is this all. Not only do they take part in a general chorus of lamentation, relieved at intervals by hearty expressions of satisfaction with the British authorities in London and Athens, but they call upon Ministers to take active steps to avenge tho past and to provide for the future. The " Daily Telegraph" concludes the article quoted above, thus :— " England will expect satisfaction for their death." The " Scotsman," May fl, calls upon the Greek Government to satisfy England by instituting a commission of inquiry into brigandage, and by making provision for the friends of the deceased. The " Morning Post" declares that "it is impossible the matter can be allowed to rest here. This country is in no mood to be trifled with, and action, vigorous action, is imperative," The " Daily Telegraph " is still plainer : — "Nothing less will content the country than the addition of efficient measures to exterminate those miscreants, who live only by plunder and assassination, and who.se hands are red with daily blood." We are glad to see that the melancholy fate of four travellers has excited so much interest. We are glad to see that the Greek Government, by being under the protectorate of Britain, had its claim recognised to the Imperial assistance in its hour of need. The Foreign Minister did not wait the arrival of a foreign enemy to give him an opportunity of interfering, but generously offered the first ship that could be had to deport tho assassins andp-fi-vent the massacre. A foreign country, with a claim to British oid, so far inferior to a British colony, had only to show its powerlessness in preserving the life and property of British subjects against assassinating rebels to secure from Imperial authorities " all that could possibly be done to avert "

any catastrophe likely to result. The unhappy men lying at the mercy of the murdering rebels had only to repeat the cry of " Romanus Sum " (formerly made so significant in Greek history by Lord Palmerston) loud enough to reach the ears of the Imperial authorities <% and rouse all that was Roman in them." Mr Erskine heard it, and immediately took on himself great responsibility in their behalf, and Lord Clarendon urged him " to do everything that was needful at all hazards." Is this tho British Government, who would not send a soldier or " a Queen's ship " to help us in our pressing need, when massacres more terrible and revolting far were from time to time occurring? Is the massacre at Marathon to be named alongside of the massacres at Poverty Bay and White Cliffs ? Are four travellers, roaming in search of the picturesque in countries known to be infected with brigands, of more importance than self-denying missionaries or patriotic defenders of their country, surrounded by their wives and ' children? Are not British colonists British subjects, and as such entitled to British nssistance, especially when these dangers are the result of British administration ? Is a wandering tourist in Abyssinia or Greece more under British ' protection than a settler in a colony under a British Government ? Of course it will be said that the colony, by accepting the responsibility of native n hairs bus freed the Imperial Government from the duty of protecting the life and property of British subjects here. But it must never bo forgotten that this responsibility was forced upon us, and that the responsibility of this responsibility lies still with her Majesty's Government. But even granting, for the sake of argument, that the colony, like Greece, assumed the responsibilit}' of preserving law and order, why should it not also get Imperial assist ance when it is shown that, like it, it is incapable of sustaining-it ? Can any action on the part of a Colonial Government absolve the Imperial Government from the fundamental duty of preserving the lives and properties of her Majesty's subjects ? If so, then we are driven to some strange conclusions. The cardinal policy of an empire may be defeated in and by a colony. Over a part of her dominions, as her Majesty can exercise no power, she can shew no mercy. She remains in a colony the fountain of all honor after she has virtually ceased to be j the source of all power. Commander of the Army and Navy by Royal prerogative, she cannot, because of Colonial legislation, defend her subjects in the colony from her only enemy and theirs.; Erom such strange doctrines, as might be expected, we have lately seen some I strange anomalies result. We have seen her i\iajest3''s soldiers idling in our towns | while her Majesty's subjects were being massacred all around, and her Majesty's fleet bringing no succor and affording no escape. British subjects were allowed to be cruelly murdered in a British colony, whose Governor, though Commander-in-chief, could send no soldier to protect them, and though Vice-Admiral, could send no ship to save or to avenge them. Surely, " when all that was humanly possible" was lately done by Imperial authorities for four tourists in Greece, something more might have been done in and for "her Majesty's colony of New Zealand" in its dire extremity than removing the last soldier from the gaze of a people writhing under a despatch couched in unfeeling language, and published in cruel haste.