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LONDON.

(from our own correspondent.) London, 6th Nov., 1868. The general election, which will take place about a fortnight hence, is naturally enough the most prominent topic of the hour. Parliament will be dissolved ou the 11th inst., after which the writs will forthwith be issued, and then, after an interval of a few days, will commence the tug of war between the two great historical parties who have alternately wielded the destiny of thia country for the last two hundred years ; for they both had their origin and took their respective appellation Whig and Tory during the second half of the seventeenth century. These designations, however, though still used by some of the more old-fashioned and thorough- paced partisans on either side, are by degrees falling into disuse, being superseded by the more comprehensive names of Liberal and Conservative. The old titles, it must be confessed, had something of an unsavory odor clinging round them, and the association of ideas which they called up was., anything but agreeable. They recalled memories of narrow-minded exclusiveness, of selfishness and corruption, of sectarian animosity and bigotry, of " family" government, ot class oppression and ascendancy. In short they bring back the days when there were only two classes — the governors 1 and the governed — the dreary times that "'"' preceded the era of Reform, when popular rights, and progress, and the march of intellect were looked upon as chimeras or dangerous delusions, and when the people of this great Empire had no voice in the Legislative Councils of the realm. Rut those days are past, and with them are passing away into oblivion the old party names and party cries which appealed to the prejudices of a bygone generation fifty years ago. The march of enlightenment on the part of the jnrt^ses ia something perfectly marvellous withib the last quarter ol a century. Ignorance seems to be lifting its murky veil like a cloud from the minds of the people before the sunbeams of knowledge, and the multitude are developing that " rational faculty" which enables them to gain some insight into' general principles, to distinguish between fact and fiction — the real and the imaginary. This has been owing in a great measure, if not altogether, to the progress which popular literature has made in these latter days, bufc more especially to the action of the newspaper press ever since the repeal of the stamp and paper ditties. Only 15 or 20 years»aijo there were in London some half a d^zen daily and as many weekly journals. Bufc the, price of a newspaper in those days was such that a poor man never thought of buying one, whereas afc tlie present time there must be upward? of a million of newspapprs published every day throughout the '■ United' Kingdom, the prices of wliich vary from one penny to three pence ; so that a poor man need never be ignorant of what is taking place in dvery quarter of the world. Whet-'l speak of the enlightenment of the masses,''- 'I speak of course comparatiVely ; for popular education is still very backward, but' this too will be improved before long, . for the subject will be forced upon the legislature, and some comprehensive scheme of a non-sectarian character similar lo that which exists in the United States will doubtless be' established.. Already our two principal universities, Oxford and Cambridge, have widened their portals for the admission of a larger class of students. Residence in a college is no longer compulsory. Recent regulations enable students to live in private lodgings in the town, and to attend lectures and examinations, without the expense of colleue fees; so that a moderate sum of £50 or £tiO a year will enable a young man to go to the university and obtain his degree. This is a step in the right direction, though, as a matter of fact, only a very limited number -of students will be able to avail themselves of this privilege'for the present, until such time as we can get a superior kind of middle class school, where a lad may be trained for the university. Such Bchools as yet have scarcely any existence in the country, and thry never will until the Government take the matter up. True, there are the great public schools of Eton, Westminster, Harrow, Rugby and Winchester ; but these are all aristocratic establishments for the " upper ten," where a boy's education -involves an outlay of some £200 or £300 per annum. Of course there are also a great many grammar schools, proprietary colleges, &c, scattered throughout the country, but. by no means in proportion to the wants of the population. As a general rule, the ordinary middle class schools are badly conducted and wretchedly inefficient. The masters of such schools are incompetent, and their assistants are a very poor set of creatures, badly educated, and worse paid. In a school of this kind a boy has no chance of getting a decent education. What, then, is the remedy ? Make the scholastic profession, as it is called, a regular and bona fide profession requiring a training, an examination, and a diploma of some kind, granted either by a university or by a collpge of education which should take cognizance o.f such matters— in short make the schoolmaster a member of a learned profession in fact as well as in name. This will at once give him his proper rank and status in society side by side with the lawyer, the clergyman, and the doctor. At present a schoolmaster, as such, has no recognised position, unless he happens to be a graduate or a clergyman. The reason is obvious. The ranks of the profession are recruited from a mass of men who have never been perfectly educated or trained for their duties, and as the public have no guarantee of their scholastic attainments or abilities, they withhold from them that amount of social consideration to which schoolmasters under other circumstances would bo fully entitled. How would ifc be with tbe other learned professions if their members were exempted from all legal supervision or con- | trol. In. most European countries there is | a Minister of Public Instruction who takes i good care, that every person wishing to set > up a school must give good proof of his or berqualifications, and must be furnished with a diploma. Something of this kind will eventually have to be done in England. In fai-t it has already been done as regards national schoolmasters, who have to pass the ordeal of a training college and undergo an examination before they are furnished with their

certificates. It is only the middle classes who are left to the tender mercies of selfconstituted principals of commercial academies, boarding schools, and so called grammar schools. I conclude then that until the Government of the country take the matter up and place the schoolmaster in his proper position, the education of the middle classes will be as it is now, very imperfect. I see from some recent files of the Independent that yon contemplate the establishment of a university in New Zealand. To people here this will seem rather an ambitious project for so young a colony, vih a very limited population. Would it not be better to establish a first class high school or college, and to send those desirous of university distinction to England complete their education afc some of our old established universities, when they would come in contact with a great variety of men of high training and polished manners; and where they would be likely to acquire the tone, style, and manners of tlie best society in the old country. Besides this, if they wanted to study law, niediouie, or divinity they could accomplish that end with much greater advantage in England than they could at home. Resides, to. carry oil' prizes or honors in such extended arenas as we have here would be a much greater distinction than to gain them in a local university, wanting prestige and historic fame. I may also add that there are so many exhibitions and scholarships at our two great universities, that young " colonials" of good ability and careful training (in classics and mathematics) would often be able to pay a great portion of their expenses' by the scholarships which they would carry off. For I take it none would come here from the antipodes unless young men of ambition, energy, and indus try, who had already distinguished themselves in the colony, and who would be willing to work. To such men there are always plenty of prizes open. I give you my opinion in this matter quantum valeat. However to return for a moment to the subject with which I started — the General , Election. There is little to be said about ' them beyond the fact that the Liberals are expected to come in with a majority of not less thafc eighty or ninety. During the last two or three weeks we have had nothing but election speeches in every part of the country. Of these the most remarkable have been those delivered by Mr Gladstone and Mr Bright. During his canvass Mr Gladstone made at least six or eight long and powerful speeches, which are considered to be the most masterly and statesman like addresses that have ever been delivered by any candidate for Parliamentary honors. He treated all the leading topics of the day retrospectively, adspectively (if I may coin a word) and prospectively, with extraordinary lucidity and fulness. Day after day he addressed public meetings in various parts of Lancashire and in Liverpool ; and yefc there was as much freshness and vigor in his last speech as in his first. The subject in hand he might exhaust, but not tlie resources of his own fertile mind. Mr Bright was equally happy in the two or three public speeches which he delivered at Birmingham and elsewhere. Though a man of marvellous resources and | eloquence, he lacks in some measure the manysidedness, the philosophical breadth, the acumen, and the minute and exhaustive knowledge of Mr Gladstone. The Conservatives (afc least their leaders) are far less active than their opponents. With the exception of a written address to his constituents Mr Disraeli has been silent during the recess, and so has Lord Stanley. I need not tell you that the great topic of all the election speeches is the Irish Church. It has been discussed at every public meeting (and there have been hundreds, if not thousands, within the last two months) in the United Kingdom, and we now know something of the merits of tbe case. The reticence of tho Conservative leaders is ascribed (whether rightly or wrongly) to the fact that Mr Disraeli is likely to turn round upon the Liberal party, and to take the wind out of their sails at the last moment, by himself proposing some scheme for disestablishment and disendowment of the Irish Church. There can be little doubt that he will at least make some attempt to "rectify the anomalies" which prevail in the Irish Establishment ; but with his present Cabinet he will not be able to introduce' any comprehensive or satisfactory measure, however much he might feel inclined to do so, if he had only his own views to consult. The "no popery" cry which was got up some time since is nofc likely to be of much service to the Conservative party. Up to the present ifc has only resulted iv some petty riots in one or two manufacturing towns — thanks to a vulgar and fanatical Irish firebrand named Murphy, who has acquired a certain amount of notoriety ih the .North, as an anti-popery lecturer. From all that I can gather, the greafc body of non conformists, including the Wosleyans, Independents, and Baptists, as well as the Irish Presbyterians and the majority of the Scotch Presbyterian Church are all in favor of disestablishment. Of course the Episcopal clergy from a certain esprit de corps will hang together and support the Irish Church almost to a man. And there is no doubt that in many districts where there are popular preachers (especially among the Low Church party) they do not hesitate to use their influence both iv the pulpit and out of it in favor of the Conservatives. They seem to have an instinctive dread of change, lest perhaps their own integrity may eventually be affected by the measures in contemplation. I know that in my own district that of Finsbury, which is perhaps the most intensely Protestant and Evangelical in England, the j Episcopal clergy are giving their utmost j support to Mr O'Malley, Q.C., the Conservative candidate, although his chances of success are of the flimsiest character. Next to the elections, the most important topic of the day is the revolution in Spaiu. It is now an accomplished fact. That is to say, the old order of things has been completely overthrown, but as yet no permanent arrangement has beeu made for the future, and nobody has the slightest idea — not even the Spaniards themselves — whether Spain is hereafter to be a republic or a constitutional monarchy. The constituent cortes by whom this question will eventually be determined, havo not yet been called together, and in all probability they will not assemble for the next two or three months. Meanwhile, a provisional government, composed chiefly of those who took a leading part in the late bottleversement has been established at Madrid, and has already been recognised by Great Britain, France, Italy, the United States, Prussia, and some of the lesser European States. This Provisional Government completely supersedes and has set aside all the " Juntas" or local temporary governments established at the outset in all the leading towns and cities in Spain. So far tht j new Government of Madrid has evinced great moderation, prudence, and caution. But it will have a very difficult problem to deal with. Spain is at the present momeni passing through a crisis of no ordinary kind —dearth of food-— dearth of employment

for the masses — an exhausted exchequer — pressing demands — lack of credit. I a short, financial embarassmenfc complicated with social disorders — scarcity and commercial depression — ail of which seems to threaten national bankruptcy. Stout, indeed, must be the hearts and firm the hands — Alisrobur et ens triplex cireapectus — which shall guide the good ship of state through the breakers by which she is now encompassed on all sides. If they can manage to ride through the present storm they may reach the port safely at last. The internal resources of Spain are but partially developed, and good government is likely to bring about a permanent adjustment of the revenues commensurate with the wants of the country. In a financial point of view th© actual state of affairs in Spain is this — a state of affairs, be it remembered, wliich was left as a legacy by j the Jate profiigateandunprincipledmonarchy. The public funded debt of Spain amounts to | £221,093,091, and the- annual interest thereupon to about six millions sterling. This debt, we are told, upon the most recent authority, has increased 50 per cent since 1800, while the rate of interest paid for loans since that period has increased 130 per cent. — showing the rapid fall in national credit. The average ordinary revenue of the couutry is, using round numbers, £18,000,000 ; while the expenditure is £21,500,000, showing an annual deh'cifc of three millions and a half — the total of which now ' floating' amounts to no less than £25,000,000— exactly one half of which amount is due to the Bank of Deposits, and a great portion of tlie remainder consists of small amounts, varying from half a million to three and a half millions sterling, which being duo chiefly to foreign houses, has to be provided for and met promptly, in order to maintain the credit and good faith of the nation. _L'o meet these pressing and numerous demands, the Provisional Government fonud upon entering ollice something like half a million sterling in. cash— besides a- number of "obligations" (by which is meant bonds, I presume), of the [ nominal value of £17,300,000, due from purchasers of Stato property" — of which amount little more than one million was available fur present purposes, owing to a variety of causes which are not clearly explained. But if we divido the above sum by I two we shall probably obtain an approximate ! valuo of the securities above alluded to. Besides this, the Minister of Finance has to mako some provision for giving employment for the moment, to thousands of laborers and others who are out of work and who are literally starving -to say nothing of the hordes of beggars by whona the country is infested, and who cannot bo left utterly destitute. And, moreover, he will have to find some help for the poor cultivators of the soil to enable them to buy seed for the ground. Here, then, is a gigantic task before the Spanish Chancellor of the Exchequer. ' His remedy is — another loan ; and accordingly, he is about to plaeea £2o,ooo,ooo loan upon the market forthwith. I don't think any large portion of this amount will be taken up in New Zealand. The confidence of British capitalists is by no means unlimited, eveniu revolutionary governments with all their good intentions. " Spanish bondholders" have been too often " bitten," and they will fight shy. As a matter of fact, there has been a considerable decline in Spanish, securities ever since fche overthrew of the late Government, and therefore the chances are, that before the British capitalist consents to unbutton his breeches pocket for the Spanish borrower, there must be very tangible proof that the Spaniards themselves arc ready and willing to come forward to the rescue, and take up the loan that is now offered. For the present, therefore, I conclude that Spain will have to meet her own pecuniary difficulties and liabilities in the best way she can. Hereafter, when she has got well oufc of the mire, and when she has retrieved her financial position (if she should do so) — why then we will come forward to give her a helping hand and to play the part of the good Samaritan. With respect to this new twenty million loan, the Finance Minister, Senor Figuerola, proposes to issue it at 80 6 per cents, payable at par in twenty yeai's. This would be a nice investment, if one could only make sure of the security — that's the rub — the consideration that needs must give capitalists pause — albeit their pockets jusfc now are full to bursting with surplus cash that they don't know what to do with. But my own impression is, that fche loan will be readily taken up in Spain— for there is plenty of money in tho country — plenty of British capital too, to the value of hundreds of millions sterling, embarked in divers profitable enterprises iv various parts of Spain. If the Spaniards have a particle of enthusiasm or patriotism, or earnestness of purpose combined with confidence in tho revolutionary movement which has lately taken place, they will not see their Finance Minister driven into a corner, but will come forward and take up every sixpenco of the loan themselves. If Spanish pride has any value this will bring it to the test. This loan I should observe is guaranteed by State property — public lands—already sold, or of which the sale has been determined. Among the reforms already set on foot by the new Government — the freedom of the press stands foremost, and preeminent ; and next comes its correlative freedom of public worship and toleration for all sects and parties — with liberty to build schools, churches and syna gogues. Our evangelical societies have not been slow to avail themselves of the permission which is now granted them for the first time in Spain of distributing the scriptures iv the vernacular, and accordingly these have already forwarded somo cargoes of testaments to Cadiz, Barcelona, and other parts of Spain, for the enlightenment of the Spaniards. This in itself is a marvel, for such a thing could never have happened from the days of Ferdinand and Isabella, under whose auspices, if I remember rightly, that famous or rather infamous institution — the Spanish Inquisition was first established for the suppression of heresy, and the extirpation of heretics. That institution has come down fco our time, and its history is written in characters of fire and blood. It performed its duty faithfully aud remorselessly. It checked all liberty of thought, all intellectual inquiry in Spain for three centurios and a half — ono of the main reasons why that splendid but unfortunate country is now so far behiud the other nations of Europe in material progress aud enlightenment. Only give people liberty to think and to speak, to write and to publish their thoughts, and they are afc once on the large road to civilization as we understand that word in the middle of the nineteenth century. True thoro is in Spain a kind 'of civilization, after a fashion, but iv a great measure it is that of the 16th rather than the 19th century. The peoplo as a rule are courteous and well conducted—though fearfully ignorant and ridiculously superstitious. The great merit which Romanism seems to possess above every religion in the world, is that it teaches good manners, and makes men to be kind, considerate and polite in their intercourse with one another. Ifc deals with its " children" in a paternal sort

of way and while its stoops to humour them in their foibles and follies incidental to human weakness, ifc insists upon the observance of the " minor morals" — the oil by which the wheels of society are lubricated. However backward the Spaniards may be in other re« spects, they appear by all accounts to possess a certain sense of personal dignity and self respect, combined with an outward gravity of demeanour and a courtesy of manner and language wliich distinguish them from all the other nations in Europe. Bufc so far as we can judge the Spaniards are nofc in the least likely to benefit from the importation of bibles and testaments which are now being sown broadcast among them. They are perfectly satisfied with Romanism — which they know to be perfectly harmless when deprived of the aid of that secular arm by which it has been supported for so many generations in Spain — the last stronghold of the papacy. Reform of every kind, whether in the state or in the church, must come from within, and when the people feel the need for a new reformation they will have it. The only changes in this direction already made by the new Government in Spain have beon the expulsion of the Jesuits and the suppression of all monastic and conventual establishments founded within the last thirty years — aud I believe a certain proportion of the old houses — so as to reduce them to moderate limits. The truth is, Spain has heretofore, like Italy beeu overrun with religious orders of all kinds, and the number of priests, monks, and friars was greatly iv excess of the wants of the population. Tiiis will now have an end, and those who in future would be wear ing a cowl in the ordinary course of things, will have to adopt some culling more to the interest of the community at large. One of the great faults ot all Spaniards indeed is that thoy have a natural antipathy to work — especially hard work — manual labor. This is another reason why the resources of the country are undeveloped. Bufc they have lately turned over a new leaf — the reign of mendicancy is likely fco come fco an abrupt end, it has been resolved in future to prosecute all sturdy vagrants and beggars parading the streets in the pursuit of their vocation. A commencement has been made at Madrid by order of the municipal government of the city. There is no longer mention made of Prince Alfred's name as a pretendiente for the vacant throne. Ifc is said that he would not accept it if offered, but lam by no means sure of this. I think he would, though attempts might be made to dissuade him from doing so, on account of the uncertainty of the position. He might eventually disappoint the popular hopes, and then it would be unpleasant to follow in the track of Queen Isabella. The Prince starts either to-day or tomorrow on his voyage round the globe. He was about to do so a few days ago, but tliat some little accident occurred to the Galatea when about to leave the harbor, and the vessel had to put back into dock for examination and repair. I presume the Duke will visit your shores before he again returns to England. The Prince and Princess of Wales too will shortly start on a long tour in the East and will visit the King of Greece and probably the Emperor of Russia and Austria beforo their return to England. The Queen has just returned from Scotland, and will remain' 1 at Windsor for two or three weeks, after which she will proceed as usual to Osborne to spend tho Christmas. There is no general news of marked importance beyond the miscellaneous items which reach you by telegraph in anticipation of this letter. Mr Bright is at present "starring it" at Edinburgh, where he has received the freedom of the city and been made an honorary member of tho Chamber of Commerce, which ifc appears dates eighty years back. He has, of course, been addressing audiences of all kinds and has been well received. Mr Reverdy Johnson, the American Minister to our Court, has also been going the rounds of banqueting and speechmaking, and has been making all sorts of pleasant declarat o 0 of gooi will and amity on the part of his countrymen towards Great Britain. The difficulties between the two countries are he declares in anticipation of any official statements, already as good as settled. And all seems merry as a marriage bell. He has been on a visit at Knowsley with the Earl of Derby, and has been feted and feasted and entertained by all sorts of big wigs and corporations— including those of Liverpool and of London. Grant lias been elected President of the United States by an overwhelming majority. The Republicans had it ail their own way and the Democratic candidates are nowhere. Grant is looked upon as a very able and temperate man, and is likely to give great satisfaction to all parties. There is nobody as yet appointed in the room of the late Archbishop of Canter- ' bury. It is by no means an easy matter to find a man possessed of the requisite qualifications for such a post, and the area of selection is very limited. A party man, whether High or Low, would never do. The Bishop of London is looked upon as nofc an improbable successor to Dr Langley. Bishop Tait is a calm temperate man who has identified himself with neither of the extreme parties within, t,h# church. I defy anybody to say whether he is a High or Low Churchman. He treats them all with equal justice, and seems to be a man of sufficient breadth and true catholicity of mind to comprehend, and so to speak,^assimilate within himself the petty sects at* war with each other within our national establißhraent--secfcs which persist in regarding truth merely from their own point of view— forgetting that ifc has many sides and many phases— aud that its aspects are as varied as the media through which it reaches the organs of our mental vision, and subjectively considered as many hued a_ our minds themselves. Quoi homines— tot sententia:. I told you some time back that the Australian, .New Zealand, and Panama Mail Company, were in difficulties. They were very near being woundup, but after repeated meetings ot shareholders aud creditors a joint committee was formed to consider the question of whether the company should go on or bo wound up. The creditors have shown every forbearance, and it has beeu resolved that the concern shall go on for the present in the hope of retrieving its position. One or two of the creditors, I believe, will carry their OA-n claims into the Court of Chancery. There is some talk in America of a new company to make a canal across the Isthmus of Panama.

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Bibliographic details

Wellington Independent, Volume XXIV, Issue 2782, 9 January 1869, Page 6

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4,754

LONDON. Wellington Independent, Volume XXIV, Issue 2782, 9 January 1869, Page 6

LONDON. Wellington Independent, Volume XXIV, Issue 2782, 9 January 1869, Page 6