LONDON.

Wellington Independent, Volume XVIII, Issue 2039, 24 March 1864, Page 3

LONDON.

(from our own correspondent.)

261h January, 1864. The British public have experienced some disappointment and a little annoyance at the recent intelligence that the Maoris at Meremere hare escaped scot free, and have left General Came* ron with only a barren aed fruitless victory to boast of. It had been confidently hoped that after the deliberate and protracted measures which bad been adopted for encompassing the natives on. all sides and [so driving them iuld a. corner, that success would have crowned our efforts, that we should rout tbemfroratheirstronghold, and. in doing so, strike such a decisive and. damaging blow at the outset, as might ■ enhance the prestige of our arms, and produce a .' healthy moral effect throughout the colony— both upon the natives themselves find upon our colonial volunteers. It is felt that such a mea sure of success would have tended greatly to shorten the war by destroying the confideace of the rebels in their skill to evade our troops. Still I am not aware that any special blame has been cast upon General Cameron for the result, though it is supposed that he could not have been ignorant of the fact that the Waikatos had a back-door of escape ready in case of necessity, and that some provision should have been made to anticipate the tactics to which the natives have had recourse on bo many former occasions. Doubtless, however, the General was fully aware of all the conditions of the problem to be solved, and that knowing the nature of the ground, and the difficulty of investing the pah with the limited number of troops at his immediate disposal, he availed himself of such means as were practicable aud expedient uuder the circumstances. The inference therefore is clear, tbat the Maoris have made up their minds on no account to meet our troops in the open field or to fight a pitched battle. Tbeir plan obviously is to pick off or " murder " as many men, women, and children, as they can in the first isstance, to satisfy in some measure tbeir thirst for blood, and when they hare thus accomplished their work of butchery upon unoffending and unprotected settlers, then to turn round and sell tbeir own lives as dearly as they can. To sue for peace, to ask for or give quarter seems to be no part of tbeir sanguinary scheme. These are the symptoms most apparent ta all who are acquainted with the present state of the colony. They take the facts as they find them, and seeing that the war is none of our making, but that it has been forced upon the settlers at the risk of tbeir lives and property, after every overture for peace had been rejected they (I speak of course of the better informed classes here at borne) give the most unqualified approval to the measures which the Colonial Government is about to adopt, both as regards the confiscation of the rebel territory, and the sale and permanent occupation thereof by military settlers. The subject has been discussed at more than usual length by the English journals since the arrival of the last mail. The Standard says — *• This confiscation is doubtless a severe punishment, but it has the great merit of fulfilling a double purpose. It will make an example of the Waikato tribe, and deter the natives elaewhere from following their example. It also obtains for the Government an unlimited supply of soldiers, needy and adventurous men, who are tempted to come in from all parts by the promise of free grants of land. The Waikato country extends along the West Coast and to the south oi Auckland. It is represented as extraordinarily fertile. The truculent behaviour of the semi-savages now in arms against us, who have lately distinguished themselves by the waylaying and murder of old men, women, and children who haul-strayed from the settlements, has deprived them of any claim that they might have bad upon our clemency. They must now be treated as outlaws, whose condign punishment is the truest mercy to others." This extract will give a tolerably correct idea of the tone of the English press, and of the conversation of men acquainted with the subject. The Times, however, is less out-spoken, although it has lately had no less than three leaders upon the New Zealand War. It admits the urgent necessity for action and for putting down the rebellion at all cost, but in deference to certain phases of public opinion amongst the ultraphilanthropic and " missionary school " in this countiy, adopts a tone of depieeation respecting the measure for confiscation. "As things are," it observes, " for us to give way and to allow the insurgent wave of half educated and mora than half-corrupted savagery to overflow all the territory we have reclaimed, and break against our very towns, would be thegreatest conceivable misfortune to these poor creatures. * ♦ So we are consulting the interests of the natives, as well as the necessities of our own position, by making no peace with him [W. King] or any other chief so long as they attempt to lay down laws aimed against British sovereignty." The article from which the above passage is taken (Jan. 20) by no means appreciates or understands tbe question at issue, and seems in a most unaccountable manner to confound W. King with the " king" movement, and the pro* moteis of the present rebellion with the leaders of the furnaer war atTttranaki. But the Maoris are by no means without their sympathisers at the present moment, as will appear from a memorial to Sir GedrgeGtey, to be forwarded by the present mail. This memorial is numerously and respectably signed, chiefly by members of the class before referred to ; but the sentiments which they express, however praiseworthy under other circumstances, are fur from being shared by the most enlightened members of the community. After paying a well merited tribute of praise to the Governor for b~is efforts to establish a durable peace after the termination of the late war, the memoiialists recommend to his Excellency to avail himself" of the first favorable opportunity which may present itself, of endeavouring to terminate the war by negotiatien, and especially that he will listen to any overtures of peace which any of the natives who have taken up arms may make. * * * We have, however, been alarmed by the pertinacity with which in some quarters, it has been proposed to confiscate the lands of all contumacious and rebellious natives. As has been truly observed, such a policy as this would shut the door to any possible settlement of the difficulty except by the sword ;in other words it would lead to the extermination of a people who value their property in their soil even more than their existence, and who, despite their faults, are worthy of a belter fjte. We can conceive of no surer means of adding fuel to the fl.une* of war, of extending the area of disaffection, and of making the natives fight with the madness of despair, than a policy of confiscation." Such are the moreßalientpointsofthemeinorial in question. Its authors seem to have wholly overlooked the fact that the "negotiations" which they suggest have been going ou fur the last two or three years, iLut during that time the natives, have hiul every inducement that could be offered for establishing a permanent honorable and salutary peace, and that it was only after negotiations -bad been completely exhausted and hostilities 1 bad been renewed by the natives themselves, '4hat the colonists were driven to take up the

sword in self-defence. The memorialists also seem to forget that if the natives were to be let off merely at the cost of crying; pecavi ami suing for peace,. without any material guaiantee being exacted for their future good conduct, and without any penalty commensurate with the cost and injury which they have inflicted upon the settlors, and if in the meantime the military force in the colony were to be sent honif, the natives might be 'induced to try their hand nt rebellion in no distant period. These considerations are so obvious that I need not enlarge upon them. To order to show you, however, that the above sentiments are not wholly con- j fined to the promoters of the memorial. I must give you an extract from the Manchester Examiner in commenting upon the foregoing document. Its language is even stronger than that of this memorial itself, It observes " the theory of the colonists is tbat the natives must be put down with n severity which will prevent rhem from ever rising again. Their lands must be confiscated. Military settlements must be established throughout the islands, where the men shall be tempted by the offer of so many acres, to live with a loaded rifle always in tbeir bands, so as to shoot .down the first offender. This plan means the extermination of the native race. It will not be carried out all at once, 1 but the cruel work will be goon from year to year till the last New Zealander like the last of the Mohicans, will becomethe theme of the novelist. We greatly misapprehend the feelings of Englishmen if they will allow this process to be commenced. The atrocities which render in famous the earlier annals of civilization are beyond recall, but here is one as black ns any of them, which is not yet done, but which will be done, of set purpose, in cold blood, in this pious ninteenth century, unless we interpose to prevent it. We rejoice tosee that the question has already been taken up, in an address to the Governor of New Zealand, which will be found in another part of our columns." It is a very easy matter to make comments of this kiud at a safe distance, but if the writer of the abova article were to betake himself to Auckland for a few months, the old maxim of "ccelum non animum mutant gui trans mare currunt" would certainly not be applicable to him. On the contrary, he would be found a zealous supporter of law and order, from the colonial point of view, side by side with those who have to take thought not only for the interests of the Maoris, but for the safety and welfare of the settlers. That speedy and effectual measures will be taken by the New Ministry for accomplishing their objects J few will doubt who are aware of the humane and equitable spirit by which the present Governor and his responsible advisers are moved. And it is a source of great satis* faction in England to find that the first step at the meeting of the Legislative Chambers, was the formation of a new Ministry, which is likely to work harmoniously and to command general confidence, and certainly Mr fox is not the man to recommend any vindictive measures against the natives beyond what may be absolutely required for putting down this wanton outbreak, and restoring the supremacy of British law throughout every portion of the Colony. I may sum up in a few words by saying that the couviction here at home in favor of putting uu end to rebellion st once and for all, is quite as strong as it is in New Zealand with this difference that the necessity fur a scheme of confiscation as a material guarantee for the future is not at present so strongly felt in England us it is at the antipodes. Europe still continues in a most unsettled condition. Up to the present moment the Polish insurrectiou has not been put down, but it is to ail appearances in a somewhat moribund condition. Indeed we hear very little about Poland just now, unless from very uncertain sources, aud the little we do know is that Russia has had the best of the struggle hitherto, and that unless foreign aid should come to the rescue Poland must ere loug succumb. Since the Times correspondent was politely requested by the Russian authorities to leave Warsaw, in fact to quit Poland, some two months back, we have had no positive and trust worthy information from that country. True, he writes an occasional letter front St Petersburg, but as a matter of course, the •' facts which come to his knowledge in that capita], reach him through the medium of Russian Journals wbioh are fully as mendacious as the people themselves, and that is not saying a little. Sometimes we get driblets of information by telegraph from Posen and Gallicia, but we have do definite idea at present of the actual state of the insurrection. We only know that it is still nlive in certain districts, that it is still struggling to prolong its existence throughout the winter, in the desperate hope that when spring comes round France may be induced at the eleventh hour to lend a helping hand. This hope I believe, is nut likely to be realised. France is too deeply involved in debt just now to undertake ti war of indefinite duration single handed, otherwise the Emperor Napolean would gladly enter the lists, as the Champion of Poland, and this too despite the fact that the voice of the French Chambers have been loudly raised in favor of peace. The cause of Poland is nevertheless popular amongst the masses of the French people, mure especially the classical party and their adherents, who strongly sytnpn, thise with their Polish co-religionists who are bowed down under the iron heel of a despotic and scbismatical ruler — the relentless oppressor of his Roman Catholic subjects. At this present moment the principal leaders of the Polish rising have been sent, to the numberofsevaral hundreds to the gibbet or the block. For them there is no escape — while the prisons throughout the kingdom are ciammed with thousands of those who I aye been known to have taken part in, or to have encouraged directly or indirectly, tbe insurrectionary movement. And as to the numbers of those who have been sent to Siberia we have no means of estimating them. An reste the Polish nution is bound hand and foot at the present moment, subjected to the most grindiug and oppressive system of military terrorism and martial law that could be continued by the Russian Satrap General Mouravieff, to whom has been committed the task of hangman in chief throughout the Polish territory. Meanwhile Piussia, Austria, and England make no sign, and there seems but little probability that a European Congress, should it ever take place, will have any practical results foi averting the doom which threatens the long-suffering and warlike Poles. For the time b.;ing the fate of Poland seems forgotten in riew of the ne'V complications to which the Danish question has recently given rise. This question is so obscure and intricate that but one ordinary man in ten thousand (unless politicians by profession) has any definite idea of what it means. Statesmen and diplomatists regard it from the point of view in treaties and international engagements, while those more intimately concerned fling treaties and " protocols" to the winds, and regard the questiou as one of* nationality" and right. But, after all what is the question, or rather, what are the questions at i*sne, which within the last mouth have brought North Western Europe to the verge of war — if not civil warf There are iv fact, two or three leading questions, inclndiuga number of subsiduary ones. First of all is that of " Federal execution i" next the right of succession to the Duchies of ScUleswig anil Holstein, and lastly, arising from the two former, the validity of the Treaty of London of 1852, or in German parlance, the 11 London Protocol." If 1 mistake not, I gave your readers a brief sketch of this subject in a former letter ; but at the risk of reiteration I must touch upon it once more, at somewhat greater length. Tbe Duchies of Schleswig aud Holstein lying immediately to the South of

Denmark proper, and to the north of Germany, have from time immemorial been united to the Danish Crown. The precise nature of this uni-m has varied from time to time — but up t » recent time it was chiefly of a personal character; in other words the Government of Denmark exercised but little if any control over the internal administration of these territories. Sometimes, but not invariably, the King of Denmark happened to be Duke of Schleswig and Holstein at the same time. Such was the case with the Lite King, who together with his predecessor, exerted his authority to bring the Duchies more immediately under the authority of the Danish CrowD and to absorb them by degrees into the kingdom of Denmark proper. His main object was to give a " common constitution" to the whole of his dominions, the Duchies included, and to cause the latter to send representatives to the Rigsrod or Parliament at Copenhagen for the purpose of votiug a general budget and general laws for the whole empire. Steps for the purpose were taken as far back as the year 1 846. But as the southern Duchy, { Holstein, formed part of the German Confedertion, and was inhabited by a purely German race, they did not choose that tbeir liberties should be curtailed or tbeir rights of self government taken from them. As to the other Duchy, Schleswig, separated from Holsttiu by the Eider, it had never formed part of the Confederation, but had always had a connection of a oertain character with the sister Duchy,-— both being under tbe same Duke and governed chiefly by tbe same laws. Still it was a Danish Duchy— inhabited partly by Danes and partly by Germans, but it sympathises evidently with the latter. But although as we see there were two Duchies, in reality they have come to be virtually regarded as one — under the compound appellation of " Schleswig- Holstein." The dissatisfaction to which the measure for incorporation above referred to gave rise and an insurrection to break out, which was carried on iv the years 1849 50 and 51-— the Duchies being supported on that occasion by the Germanic Confederation, aud notably so by Prussia, as a member of that body. The result was that a peace was patched up, that the liberties of the Duchies were partially restored, and that Germany undertook that certain grievances should be redressed. The principal grievances complained of was that Denmark persisted in her efforts to " danicize" the Duchies and their institutions by introducing her own language into the schools, churches, Courts of Law, and administration, and by filling the public offices with Danish functionaries and employees. This was too mucb for tbe Duchies, and far too much for the GermanjConfederation, especially the smaller states, who could not look on with indifference, while the thin end of tbe wedge was being thus inserted— to the prejudice of German nationality, and iv violation of pledges given and promises made. This state of things, however, has been going on for a number of years in the face of reiterate'! protests from the Frankfort Diet, and threats that if Denmark should fail to carry out her engagements to the Duchies, the Confederation could use its authority as a protective power, and would compel Denmark to fulfil its promise. Notwithstanding their threats, however Denmark has asserted her light as a sovereign state to deal with Schleswig Holstein, as she judged proper, and so far from releasing her old of the Duchies, has within the last year, to wit in March and November, drawn the net more tightly around them, by means of certain " patents" and " constitutions," affecting in different degrees, the integrity of Holstein and Schleswig respectively. These were the last feathers that broke the Camel's back. Here were overt acts, which showed that Denmark, so far from receding from her actual position, was taking measures for the virtual absorption of tbe Duchies into the kingdom, as had been previously attempted some seventeen years back. Whereupon, towards the end of the year, ihe Federal Diet at Frankfort (excluding Austria and Prussia, which held aloof for -reasons best known to themselves) desired that 4l Federal Execution" should take place in Holhtein

forthwith. In plain words, that a body of Federal troops should march into Holsteiu over which alone the Confederation bad any lawful control, and should cause the affairs of that state to be administered by a Federal Commission, until such time as Denmark should undertake to carry out her engagements. This step has actually been taken by the Germanic Diet, and for the last four or five weeks the affairs of Holstein hive been administered by a commission appointed for the purpose, supported by some twenty or thirty thousand Fede* ral troops located in the Duchy. In anticipation of this measure, and with a view to advert it, Denmark was induced at the last moment to' withdraw the obnoxious " Patent of March," having reference chiefly to Holstein. But this step was too late, and has not prevented the Federal executiou from being initiated. The measure would have been regarded by Denmark as a casus belli, but for the advise of England, who also counseled the withdrawal of the March " Patent." Accordingly Denmark withdrew her troops beyond the Eider into Schleswig, simultaneously with the eutry of the Federal soldiers unto Holstein, and there she resolved to take up her stand at all hazards, and repel by force any attempt made by the Germans to enter Schleswig. Hut as we proceed the plot thickens, and the problem becomes more complicated. It will be remembered that the late King Frederick haviug had uo legitimate issue, an act of succession to the crown was passed in ] 852— declaring Prince, then Duke, Christian to be the next heir to tbe throne of Denmark, and giving him the full claim to the Duchy of Schleswig Holsteiu at the same time,— to the exclusion of the Augustenburg family, who in the ordinary course would have been the next heirs to the Duchy. This act of succession received the sanction at the time of the five Great Powers of Europe, England, France, Austria, Prussia, and Russia, in a formal treaty in May 1852. But to this treaty the adhesion of Minor German States was neither invited nor given, nor was the approval of Schleswig Holsteiu (the party chiefly interested iv the transaction) sought or expressed. They all of them now very ndturally reject the act of settlement in question, as in no wise binding upon I them, and speak with a certaiu kindof flippancy and contempt of the proceeding, as the " London protocol— a kind of memorandum having no force or authority for them — for Austria and Prussia were parties to it iv their quality of independent sovereign states. Hence it is that the German Confederation, as supporters of the Duchies, are now at loggerheads, if not open rupture, with Prussia and Austria upon the question of the " succession." The former support the claiim of Prince Frederick of Augustenburg who under the shadow of Federal protection, has taken up his residence at Kiel, where, in a private hotel, he holds a kind of court, and receives "deputations" and "addresses," and I suppose " homage," from great numbers of the inhabitants of Holstein who are flocking in thousands to his siandurd— >>r rather, would, if he had one. But at present he has not. He is merelj waitingupon Providence for the moment, and waiting for a favourable opportunity for something to " turn up"— that " something" being the active intervention of some " power" or other (the Confederation if it can) to place him upon the uucal throne of Schleswig Holstein, or at least of Holsteiu alone. Where the Deus es mac/Una is to come from no one knows at present, not ereu himself. The more I have investigated the subject, the more I am inclined to think that his claims are well founded. I was oi a contrary opinion at first, owing to the imperfect and in-

correct statements which had gained currency in this country ; but of late we are better informed, owing chiefly to the lucH pen of the Times' special correspondent in fTilstein, who has thrown a flood of new light upon the whole subject. It is true the Prince's father (who is still alive, but who has relinquished his own claims in fa»or of his son) was overawed or cajoled in 1852, info renouncing his claims to the Duchies for himself and successors, and was induced to promise " upon his princely word" that he would not afterwards interfere with the act of settlement as then established ; but he took this course unadvisedly and improperly at a time when his son Frederick was of full age, and when he could not therefore have disposed of the rights of the latter without bis his consent. It has also been asserted over and over again, and believed, that for this act of renunciation he was paid by the Danish government ; but this statement appears to have no solid foundation. He received, indeed, a certain money payment, but that was for certain lands which he relinquisheed to the Danish government, and which, bad be not given them up, would have been confiscated by Denmark, because the Prince bad at the time in some way compromised himself, and was regarded by Denmark as a "rebel," or something like it. However, that transaction can in no way invalidate the claims of the son, who never acquiesced in the act of renunciation. It can only be said at the worst that the •' princely word" of the father (pledged under coercion, and in the face of invested and legitimate rights as regarded his son) has not been fully kept. But, over and above the Federal execution in Holstein, Denmark is at the preseut moment threatened with another species of execution in Scbleswig by Prussia and Austria combined. The attitude which both of these states have adopted in this intricate controversy, has up to the present moment, been of the most enigmatical character. Ostensibly they are opposed to the German Diet (in which they have taken no part, and the vote of which they do not recognise) and also to the claims asserted by Denmark in the matter of the Duchies. As parties also to the Treaty of London they cannot recognise the pretensions of the Prince of Augustenburg. Still they are resolved to act in their own way. Their object apparently is to compel the King of Denmark, without giving up his claim to the Duchess, to give them such a measure of self-govern-ment as may be acceptable to them, and to ignore altogether the rights of Prince Frederick. For this purpose they jointly forwarded a peremptory message to the King of Denmark in the early part of last week, requiring him to withdraw immediately the " Constitution of November" having reference to Suhleswig, under pain of having Schleswig invaded by some 60,000 Austrian and and Prussian troops within forty-eight hours. To this demand Denmark replied that such an important decision could not be taken hastily and requested a month or six weeks' time, in order to convoke the Parliament with a view to submit the case to the country at large. What the result will be we cannot say. Doubtless the lime required will be accorded ; but in the mean time thousands of soldiers are already on their way to Schleswig; — so that one of the Duchies will be held by the Federal Germans in the interests of Holstein and of the Prince of Augustenburg (whom the Austrians and Prussians must needs regard as a "Pretender") and the other by Prussia and Austria, until such time as Denmark can make up her mind to restore the Duchies to the status qua ante. Under these circumstances we should not be surprised to find that a collision takes place some day^ between the rival " armies of occupation"—.! collision which must lead to a civil war in Germany. As regards the Prussian people and the Parliament, and even, it is said the King himself, they are almost to a man in favor of the Prince. But the Government is bound by treaty, and must act accordingly. As to the Austrians they are indifferent to Prince Frederick's pretensions. And with respect to the Emperor Napoleon, his views are by no means clearly defined or expressed upon the subject, but he is supposed to f ivor the course taken by the Federal Diet in support of the Prince, although himself a party to the Treaty of London. As regards the part which England has taken or may take, all we know is this, that she loudly eondemus the conduct of the Federal Diet so far as relates to the countenance which it affords the " Pretender," while fully admitting that the Diet was exercising a legitimate right in carrying out tbe measures required by the " Federal Execution." So far as I can perceive, however, tbe interference of the British Cabinet, up to the present moment, has been chiefly confined to exercising her diplomatic influence and good offices, as a peace maker between all parties, at the same time that it bits made some severe animadversions upon the action of the Diet and of some of the minor states — but without any other result than sharp and sarcastic replies. Ido not think, however, that up to tbe present moment, England, although evidently with a strong leaning to tbe side of Denmark (in which I think she is wrong) has committed herself to any active intervention, whatever course the. current of events may assume. I have dwelt thus at length upon this question, but because it is of al> others the great topic of the day in E.iglmd, and because the interests involved are of an European character. Oue thing is cartain and, that is, that France would desire nothing better than to see a good stiff quarrel between the members of the Germanic Confederation, for that would give her the opportunity of looking after her own interests in Europe, in the way which she herself best understands.

There is 10 news of any great importance from America, and, to say tbe truth, there is so much sameness about the intelligence from the seat of war that we have grown tired of it in England. Besides this, there is a feeling of general disgust at the 'ong duration of this war, and the absence of any positive results attendant upon tbe sanguinary battles which have been fought up to the present time. Is this slaughter, people ask, to go on for ever ? Will the North never relent and suffer her erraut sister to depart in peace? Moreover it is painful and sickening to think that the great model Republic of the world, which professed to be built upon the force of public opinion alone,— which was always the foremost to en courage Hungarian, Polish, and Italian " nationalities," and to recognise States which had declared themselves independent,— it is painful, I say, and sickening to find that this great Republic should by her acts contradict her own theories ; deny, virtually, her own origin, and in the course of some three years contract the worst vices of the " tottering old monarchies of Europe," and amass a load of debt iv that time which it has taken any one of them as no uiy centuries to accumulate. This spectacle is one from which the political philosopher and the philanthropist must turn aside with something akin to disnuy. This fratricidal war is now as [ likely to last for the next three years as not; nay, the chances are that it will, for there are fiO symptoms whatever that either side will give in— unrepenting- unrelenting. Matters have now come to tbatpass in Europe and indeed in America, that the public are becoming stolidly indifferent to tbe fetrful slaughter and loss of life which they hear of in connection with this protracted war. There is a dull- sanguinary monotony about the ml-ss of butchery which one reads of, until eventually no emotion is felt, and eveu the grim horrors of war pall upon tbe appetite and become " flat, stale, and unprofitable." This is something like tbe condition into which the European public hare drifted in " assisting" atthe performance of this gigantic tragedy.

There is a feeling of satiety just now, and the cry is for a little variety, a good farce, an anything. However, to sum up all that I mean to say on the present state of American affairs in a few words. Charleston has not been taken yet, nor is likely to be taken that I am aware of, There are no movements of any importance amongst the great armies on either side, excepting a move made in the Shenandouh Valley by the Confederates, who have recently gained some advantages in that quarter. Elsewhere there is little doing. It is just now the d nil season, when campaigning is impossible. The belligerents on both sides are girding up their loins for a renewal of active operations as soon as the weather permits. Recruiting is the order of the day North and South. I presume the Yankees will not be very much gratified to learn that the rule for a new trial in the case of the now famous " Alexandra" at Liverpool has been discharged. However, I suppose there will be an appeal to the Court of Exchequer, and that we shall have the whole question investigated once more. The judges wer9 two and two on each side. Their "judgments" were most elaborate, but when equally divided, as in this case, the rule is for the junior judge to withdraw, and in this case the junior judge was in favor of making the rule for a new trial absolute.

The items of borne news for the last month are not of striking importance. Foremost among the incidents of chief interest has been the accouchement of the Princess of Wales, which took place atFrogmore Lodge, on Friday the Bth inst., at nine o'clock in the evening. The little stranger is said to be a fine boy, and has made his appearauca two months soonet than he was expected. The public are somewhat puzzled to know if it be a seven months' child or not ; the reports are various and centra dictory, but at all events the little fellow is said to be doing well, and his mamma the same. Her Royal Highness accompanied the Prince of Wales on the day of her accouchement to skate on the Virginia Water, and was quite well up to six or seven o'clock in the evening, when she was taken ill somewhat suddenly and unexpectedly. Of course there was nothing ready in the way of baby clothes, &c, as the Princess had made arrangements for being confined at Marlbro* House, where all the baby's trouseau (if that be the right word) was laid aside ready for use. However, at Windsor there was nothing at hand, and the only ulternativa was to send out into the town and buy some " toggery" for the little Prince at a ready made bafcy linen warehouse. The doctors too were absent; that is to say the private doctors. They had been telegraphed far to London, but before they could gel down the child was born, under the auspices of a local iEsculapius. No one would for a moment have imagined at seeing her that the Princess Alexandra was in such an exceedingly adranced stage of " interesting condition." The present writer happened to be stinding on the platform at Windsor when the Prince and Princess returned from Osborne after the Christmas holidays, and be was a good j deal surprised at seeing the agility with which her Royal Highness stepped, or rather skipped, out of the railway carriage, without the aid of the Prince, when she proceeded and tripped along the platform as lightly as a girl— 10 alteration being perceptible in her figure, and yet in less than a week she was a young mother. The public seem greatly pleased.

There has lately been a terrible explosion of gunpowder at Liverpool —tbe most violent which tbe oldest inhabitant had ever heard in those parts. A vessel laden with nearly a thousand barrels of gunpowder, and lying in the Mersey caught fire, owing to an accident with pretroleum, or some of those dangerous oils now so much in use. The crew stood by the burning vessel as long as they could, but at last it became too hot to hold them ; they then " bolted," and «yell they might, for shortly after the fire reached the powder which exploded with such a stunning crash (it was between 7 and 8 at night) that it shook Liverpool and Birkenheud like an earthquake, put out all the gas, and left the whole town in complete darkness. Added to this, ii shattered tbe glass in at least one half the public buildings and private houses on both sides of the river, and there was an edifice in which nut ;t single pane of glass was left. Beyond this, however, there were no other accidents.

The public have of late been a good deal disgusted that George Victor Townley, of Manchester, the murderer of Miss Goodwin, has been reprieved and sent to a Lunatic Asylum, while a man named Wright, a bricklayer, who murdered a woman with whom he cohabited in the Waterloo Road, has been executed, Both of these transactions have caused unusual excitement and controversy, especially amongst the working classes, who think that there is one measure of law or justice meted o it to the rich and another to the poor. At first sight it looks like this, but in reality the two cases of Townley and Wright have nothing: iv common, but that each committed murder upon a woman. Wright confessed his crime openly, and was condemned to death within three days of the murder. No plea of insanity was set up or attempted to be set up in his cnse. Whereas in Townley's case it was prored that there were lunatics in his family, and several medical men, clergymen, magistrates, and others, certified their belief upon oath that whether insane or not at the time of the murder itself, he was certainly mad at present; and this fact being certified to the Home Secretary by two medical men and two county magistrates, he was authorised by a modern Act of Parliament to order a reprieve, and accordingly sent Townley to a Lunatic Asylum, where he will probably remain for the remainder of his life. A fact which turned up on the trial of Townley— if it be a fact—for it was brought to light by tbe " Mad Doctors"— is of some import, namely, that in persons who have any hereditary taiul of madness in their blood, there is great danger of their becoming at any moment the subject of "insane impulse," over which it is maintained they hare no control, although fully conscious of the criminality of the deed and its consequences, This, be it observed, is a form of insanity wholly unknown to the law, and for which it makes no provision. If, therefore, there be a species of madness of the kind in question (" insane impulse") it behoves (he legislature to take order for some decided obange iv the criminal law, both as regards murder and homicide. True indeed, in the case of suicides, juries have long been accustomed to return the stereotyped verdict of " temporary insanity," but this is a mere faco* de parter, a sophicism in order to avoid the disgraceful verdict of felo de se. Talking of murders reminds me that since my last letter an attempt i« said to have been made or rather contemplated to assassinate the Emperor | Napoleon. This is another enterprise of the ' Orsini kind ; but on this occasion the conspirators (four in number — three of them Italians) did not come from London but reached Paris from Switzerland on tbe 25th of Dec. They were armed to the teeth with poniards, revolvers, &c, as wells as bombs or shells to throw under the Emperor's carriage. However all there movements were watched from the moment they entered Paris. They were taken up before they did any mischief, and they were all in custody awaiting their trial. Their leader whose natn * is Greco seems willing to confess all that he knows (and some think a good deal more) about tbe matter. He says tbat be was hired by the celebrated Muzziui'to assassinate the Emperor, and gives full details of the sums be received, &c. But to say the truth nobody believes ft word of what the fellow says, and moreover people think that the whole affair has

been got up by the Paris police themselves for w the purpose of making a little political capital^v^ out of it just now. As to Mazzini, who livea^ittT^k London, he has written an indignant lettetftbip the Times to say he knows nothing about ■} thel-4* '^ fellows or their places of association. 'L - ( The full account of the trial of Bishop'^ Colenso, at Cape Town, before a tribunal com-^i posed of the metropolitan together with two or three suffragan bishops, has just reached üb; He is found guilty of heresy on all the obarges •}■ brought against him, but he will have a couple^ of months given him to retract his errors if lie. - * please; or he may appeal to the Archbishop of ;■ Canterbury. But I don't believe he will do h.'. either. He treats the whole proceedings as a/: nullity, void of all form and effect. The cleri-i cat tribunal cannot I believe strip him ef the ! : temporalities of bis see, and as for the other part the prohibition to exercise spiritual func-. ul lions of any kind in the diocease, he is . not a man, judging from his past career, who is likely - to give himself much concern. Dr Colenso was not of course present at this trial, either in per- lt son or by proxy. He merely sent an agent toT the court for the purpose of protesting against the validity of competence of the tribunal , to deal with the case. Certainly his remaining in the church is a cause of great and :gteno\Uq%ni scandal, but quit bis position he never will tintilj the law actually compels him, and it maynbe ,^; years before this could be effected. Wethad^i; about a fortnights bard frost at the end of .Dec., and beginning of Jan. Since then the weather, . j has been unusually dampand foggj and there hair,; an extraordinary amount, of illness. Trade/has been tolerably good during the last l month;!, A In wools less has been done, but prices aro-fyitlj,.^ maintained. No fear of wool growers or ; wooing holders, for some time to come. Parliament). will open in a few days. Funds rather, low,, j 90 f. " ~r;; : , ! -^. 1 \ January 26, 6*30 p.m,.,.;,;, . From the telegram of this day it appears that < - Austria and Prussia have not granted therequegt; made by Denmark to consider. the ultimatuin. ,{ They have accordingly both entered: Holstein. The Prussians entered Kiel yesterday, and put ■', up the Prussian fl tg in place of the Federal,; . one at the same time ordering the Prince Qf /O , Augustenburg to take himself off. In Austria; "' : the Cbambei* of Deputies do not at all approve of the course which their government is taking any more than the Prussian chambers agree with the measures taken by the King. f The case of O'Kane v. O'Kane and Palmer- J, ston has. not yet died out. It has cropped up once more, and the petition which was filed „, some three or four months ago appears in th<e, evening papers of this date. We shall heat more , of it hereafter. , V : . t.