THE "Wellington Independent." Wednesday, September 4, 1850.

Wellington Independent, Volume VI, Issue 511, 4 September 1850, Page 2

THE "Wellington Independent." Wednesday, September 4, 1850.

The publication of official documents in Parliaineutaryßlue Books and othe,r ways; no doubt operates to some extent as a check ou the hardihood and dishonesty of Colonial Governors. At the same

time two circumstances vendor t_iis*d n 77i much less efficient than it might be () of these is the great lapse of 7 tim.'whS occurs between ihe writino- o i' (l i patch Iron, the Colony its tlie Bine Book, and its return to il, Colony—tho other, the facility win,.)? exists for mystification and which is con saintly resorted to, by arrangement of the various documents in ways i n w hj c ] none but the most experienced render of Blue Books could follow. Tims it oft , happens that tlie last letter of a coires' 1 pondenee will be printed first—then rer~ hups some return or official memorandum relating to a different part of the subject —then <i number of other documentsi re lating to matters entirely distinct— then perhaps the Governor's despatch contain nig a defence of his own measures and then, it may be after several more p ft _ e8 of unconnected matter, tho first portions of the correspondence. The Governor's despatch being printed in large and tlie other in small type, the probability is that the reader picks it out, puzzles himself h, a vain attempt to discover the other side of the case in a connected shape, and retires from tho task with no other insi'dit into the matter than the Governor's statement affords. A little arrangement would obviate all this and make every thing clear, but clearness is evidently not the object aimed at by the official departments, which in obedience to Parliamentary mandate, submit these documents to the public gaze.

In our paper of Saturday last, we sifted some of the correspondence in the last New Zealand Blue Book, and exposed the devices resorted to by Sir George Grey to mystify the Home Government, and to evade charges which he could not refute. When there is a correspondence of any considerable length, and extending over any considerable period, we think Sir George certainly exhibits very great skill in the way in which he confuses the question, and escapes from his adversary in a cloud of dust, which he adroitly raises about him. Where, however, the documents are few and simple, he is not so successful, and a very slight knowledge of events is generally sufficient to enable the reader to detect his fallacies. In this, as indeed in other particulars, he exactly resembles the rat, for any man can catch that animal in a strait race, but give it a few logs and empty barrels to dodge about, and half a dozen terriers won't do it in a day. The despatch which we shall examine to-day, affords an easier task than those we exposed last week, but it equally exhibits Sir George resorting to mystification and trickery, equally displays'him insidiously instilling into the minds of the Homo Govcriimont conclusions - which neither his own premises nor any other facts really support. When the news reached Sir George that we had sent home a Petition to Parliament, praying for tlie immediate introduction of Representative Institutions, aud the abolition of his Nominee Councils, he immediately wrote to Lord Grey endeavouring to forstall its effect by arguments of his own. In so doing it must be admitted, that he exhibited no great dignity of mind, no great confidence in the soundness of his cause, and the force of the arguments he had already used in the despatches of November aud February, announcing the creation of his Councils. It would, we think, have been more becoming'if he had waited till he had seen the petition, before he wrote to disparage those from whom it emanated. Nor are we able to bring ourselves to believe his statement, that he had in his contemplation the facts related in this despatch, when he recommended to the Home Government a. future period for the introduction of Representative Institutions. It is not very likely if it were so that he would have omitted from his long and laboured despatches of November and February, matters on which' he now lays so much stress. It is clear that it was an after thought, probably suggested by some one else; and his endeavour to make it appear otherwise, is an additional indication of the weakness of his cause and his own want of confidence in it.

The arguments which Sir George adduces in reply to this petition, which he had not yet seen, (forgetting what Solomon says of the man who answereth before he heareth,) are to the following effect. First he states tho relative proportion of Europeans and Natives in the Northern Province; then the proportions in the Southern; making a total of Natives of all ages and sexes amounting to 105,000 m both Provinces, andadultmale Europeans amounting to 3,157 ; and by thus placing the total of all sexes and ages of Natives in juxtaposition with the male adults only of the Europeans, making the disparity as great as possible to the eye of the reader —particularly of the hasty one, of which class many Blue Book readers are apt to be. The Natives he says, may be regarded as representing a large proportion of fighting men, the women and children being few—while from tho Europeans must de deducted the civil officers of Government, custom-house officers, police, and members of corporations, legislative bodies, provincial and general, as well as the magistrates &c. Further must bo considered tlie numerous disappointed applicants for office, whose influence O'-'W

tlie small number of Europeans, is perhaps, greater than in almost any other community; tlio disappointed laud-claim-ants, the aliens, and various persons from tho pacific, who have led a lawless life for years and being frequently Americans, bear no attachment to British Government, or probably to any Government whatever. From these premises Sir George docs not venturo to draw tho conclusion in so many words, but he leaves it to be inferred that a community composed of such materials, is necessarily unlit for sell'-«-o-vernment. The answers to this argument are sufficently plain and obvious.

In the first place, as regards the Southern Province, a petition from which and for which alone Sir George was dealing with, the picture drawn is absolutely untrue in all its principal features. As regards the disparity of numbers between the races, the late Reports of Mr. Kemp, the Native Secretary, prove that in a district extending with a radius of from 50 to 80 miles around Wellington, there are not more than 4,000 natives of all ages and sexes, and those living in scattered and detached pahs. In the whole Southern Island scattered over 300 miles in length and 100 iv breadth, there are not 3,000 more, and these entirely pacific and little likely to combine for any common purpose ; the European population within the same limits (exclusive of military) being nearly 10,000 souls. This at once disposes of that part of Sir George's argument, as applied to the Southern Province. The large bodie.s of natives in the North have no connexion with it, and could not by any possibility be involved in the results, be what they might, to arise from Self-government in this ProTince.

In the second place, (though Sir George draws no distinction,) his description of disappointed and influential applicants for office, disappointed land claimants and other dangerous characters, is entirely untrue if intended to apply to this Province. Sir George could not point out half a dozen of either of those classes. His own former statement, which he has never yet been able to explain away, " that of all Colonists he had ever met those of the Cooks Straits Settlements were the best fitted for representative government, and that no reason for delaying their introduction existed," is the" best refutation of his statements is this despatch. Unless, he intends very pointedly to give himself the lie, he must admit that the picture drawn by him now does not represent the Southern Province. Both statements cannot be true. Both are Sir George's ; which does he mean to adhere to ?

Thirdly Sir George admits that New Zealand will be fit for self-government in four years from the time he was writing. Will there be fewer disappointed applicants for office, and land claimants then than now ? fewer aliens, or American despisers of British law ? Will the proportion of the races be so changed, or the civilization of the natives be so advanced in 4 years, as to obviate all ihe dangers he now forsees ? No, the only reason Sir George ever had for fixing that period was to ensure his own departure from the colony without being subjected to the scrutiny of Representative Institutions, which he dares not face; well knowing that immediate and certain exposure of his various deceptions would be the restdt of their establishment. His next argument is equally false and still more futile. It is " that by far the greater part of the taxation being contributed by the military officers and men, the naval forces, and the native population, to give the Colonists the power of appropriating the revenue is giving them power over funds not contributed by themselves." Here is a misstatement of facts, and a fallacy in reasoning. By far the greater part of the revenue is not contributed by the Soldiers, Sailors, and Natives. Much the largest portion of the revenue arises from spirits, tobacco, and publicans' licences. Now of spirits the natives consume none. The soldiers and sailors get theirs duty freo and therefore contribute nothing to the revenue on that head. As regards their private expenditure a soldier has but three halfpence a day to spend, so very little revenue arises from that source.

Mr. Kemp states that all the Natives within the district before alluded to do not consume more on the average than £6000 worth of British goods in the year. Allow £4000 for the Southern island. This would give in the shape of duties contributed by the natives in this province certainly not moro than £1000 a year, the revenue of tho province being altogether about £22,000. But tbe strongest proof of the rashness of Sir George's assertion is to be found in the amount of revenue collected at Wellington before there was a soldier or sailor in tho Province, and when tbe natives consumed not a tenth of the amount of British Goods which they now consume. The revenue whioh was then almost all contributed by settlers, ranged from £8,000 to £12,000 a year. Those settlers aro now much wealthier than they were then, and consume much more largely. Wo do not doubt tljat

Llu-ee fourths of'the revenue of the Province is contributed by them. So much f„r the ucenrur-v of Sir Georges liiels-now for Ids fogie. The settlor:.;, | l(! Sil y Si !irt; nol [t) u| ,_ -■'i-i'slr-uion of the revenue, /;,.„„,,, accord.ng to ], 1U1) j t (loe! . not co] 11 (, |jul ()j . their pockets. Be it so. Does il, come <»nt of his pocket or those of his Nominees ? "Whence then do they get their right to administer it ? According to -"Mr George's argument tlie soldiers, sailors, and natives ought to appropriate and expend the revenue. ■sut the real question is not whence does tlie revenue come; but where does it go to ? Supposing it does come out of tho pockeis of soldiers, sailors, and natives ; it is to be spent in the colony and for the colony's good. Will it be better spent by Sir George and his Nominees, or by the Colonists under free institutions ? Will the Colony derive most benefit by its expenditure on a host of officials, or on public works, education, and so forth ? S;r George writes like a man who never studied the principles of Government; which indeed we are much afraid he is little acquainted with. At least bevoud Machiavellis "Prince" and perhaps Tuylor's " Statesman,'.' we question if his reading on such topics has ever extended. Tlie remainder of the despatch is both untrue and insulting in the highest degree to the Colonists Parading the existing tranquillity of the Colony, for which Sir George always takes credit to himself, instead of giving it to British gold and British troops, he says " Past .vents have shown the disasters and expenditure which may result from arousing tlie natives. The question therefore naturally arises, what advantage will be gained by immediately introducing representative institutions amongst so small a European population which would be commensurate to the riskinenrred by such a proceeding ? " This clearly intimates tliat self-government would risk a w»r with the natives who would be "aroused" by the Colonists. Why, we would ask, should such a result occur, and how is it consistent with past experience ? Had we representative institutions when Held destroyed the flag-staff—when Wanganui was sacked—or the Hutt occupied by military force ? Who, pray, "aroused the natives on those occasions ? Was it Colonists governing by representative institutions, or Colonial Office Governors and their Nominees ? The insinuation conveyed in this passage is most discreditable to Sir George, and most inconsistent with facts.

The Colonists may well make it their boast that the necessity of employing military force against the natives in New Zealand wbich has occurred on three occasions indifferent parts of the Islands has in no respect been attributable to themselves, but rests solely with the Government. The first occasion was in' 1845, when Heki cut down the Flag-staff j at the Bay of Islands, as an overt act of rebellion against British authority, which | he followed up by sacking and destroying that settlement. #0 differences about land or anything else existed between the Colonists and the Natives. Heki expressly declared that what "aroused" him, was the presence of Government authorities at the Bay. The second occasion when the sword was drawn was at ihe Hutt, when the Government undertook to expel certain natives from land of which they had repeatedly admitted they were not the owners, and" for which the true owners had been three times paid. They were in no respect "aroused" by the Colonists, whose forbearance with their aggressions was most praiseworthy and remarkable. The third occasion was at Wanganui, where the necessity of employing the military originated in the barbarous murder of the Gilfillan family by five natives as an act of retaliation for an accidental wound inflicted on a native chief by a Midshipman of the Calliope amusing himself with a pistol. And yet Sir George alludes to " past experience " as a proof of the danger of entrusting the Colonists with the management of their own affairs. If he had referred to it as a proof of the mischief which Downing Street Governors and Nominee Councils might be the cause of, he would have been nearer the mark.

On such unsubstantial reasoning, on such distorted facts, on such dishonest special pleading, rests the case of Sir George Grey. Can we be surprised that institutions reared by him on so rotten a foundation, should crumble and fall by their own -weight—that his Nominees should, after tho novelty and fancied gloss of their dignities were worn off, seize the opportunity of resigning and leave him in the lurch, to justify his assertions as best be may, that he carries with him a large portion of'the most intelligent personsir. province. Assuredly before his career is finished Sir George will be taught by bitter experience, What a tangled web we weave, When first we practice to deceive.

We print below a letter which we find in the Nelson Examiner of the 10th Aug. from Dr. Monro (one of Sir George Grey's Nominees) to the LieutenantGovernor, resigning his olliee. For any thing that the public cares about the matter, tho Doctor might Ipivc saved

himself the trouble of printing, it havingl long become a. matter of entire indifi'ei? enco whether the .Nominees resigned or -"•■t They inflated „H the inj.'ilv thev 1 could on the cause of the Colonists by j accepting olliee, and aiding Sir George ni postponing self-Government. Their subsequent nets have been of no consequence in any way, except as far as they aiiorded the public some amusement and an occasional laugh. What the Doctor's reason for printing it may have been we.do'not precisely dis--cover. As a piece of composition, the letter is common-place enough; as a piece of reasoning, (if we may regard it as intended to be such,) it is mos. damnatory to the Nominees; the grounds on which the Doctor seeks to justify his resignation, are precisely those which ought to have prevented him from ever becoming a Nominee. First of all he complains that Sir George's postponement of Council is an act of disrespect to the laws of the Colony, he considering it " most 'important that those laws should be inviolably respected." ]f this be really the Doctor's opinion, why did he ever join a Nominee Council ? He must have known that the laws of such Councils never are respected. Of those which he and his colleugu.es passed last session, the Government has scarcely ventured to bring one into operation; and when the Justices of Peace were applied to to memorialize the Government to introduce one of them, they scouted the idea, and refused to do U on the express ground of its having been enacted by tlie Nominee Council. Nobody has contributed to bring the law into so much contempt as the Nominees who, by pretending to legislate for the Colony, made all legislation ridiculous, and all the laws of the Colony contemptible.

Another reason assigned by the Hoctor is, that "it appears to him "incompatible with independence and self-respect to hold an office in which he may be virtually suspended, or remain a member of a system by which the laws of the Colony have been in more than one instance disregarded." This is extremely true— the only fault we find with the Doctor for advocating it is, that it was equally true when he accepted office, and if it is a ground for resignation it ought to have prevented him from being a Nominee. It was perfectly well understood (if proof were wanting, Lord Grey's despatch affords it) that Nominees neVfr are allowed to be independent—that they are intended to be mere tools—to vote as the Governor tells them, or al s.ain from voting when he wishes. Sir George Grey's late act has in no respect altered their position, or the character of their office.

The real ground of the Doctor's resignation, however, creeps out in another part of his letter, in which he alludes "to the prospect of a change in the Constitution at no very distant date." Like the well behaved dog which walked out to prevent his being kicked out, the Doctor forsees the day at hand when resignation would no longer be optional; aud he prudently avoids being placed in such a position. He probably hopes also to gain some credit by the step—to mollify the resentment of his fellow colonists for his past act—and to secure a chance of beiug returned to the future Elective Councils. If this is his object, he will find himself mistaken. The present resignations have been made from no regard to public welfare, but simply because the Nominees conceive themselves slighted and insulted (as no doubt they are) by Sir George aud Lord Grey. The public owes them nothing for resigning on such a motive ; nor will their resignation, unless we are much mistaken, secure them a single vote at the first election. RESIGNATION OF A SEAT IN THE LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL.

To the Editor of the Nelson Examiner. Sir—l shall feel obliged if you can find room for the subjoined letter. I nm, yours, &c, Waimea, August 0,1850. D. Monso.

To his Excellency the Lieutenant-Governor, Wellington.

Sir—l received on the 27th of July a summons to attend a meeting of the Legislative Council of this Province, convened for the Ist of August. Since that time T have seen n notification in the Government Gazette, from which I learn that the assembling of the Legislative Council is postponed until next October. £ The same Gazette contains a list of Ordinances intended to have been submitted to the Council, and among them an Ordinance to appropriate the Revenue for the now current year. But from the published despatch of tho Governor-in-Chief accompanying the notification referred to, I observe that none of the proposed Ordinances appear to his Excellency of any pressing importance. I regret that my position as a member of the Council compels me to view this question in a different light from bis Excellency. It seems to me of the utmost importance that the laws of this country should be inviolably respected. In the present instance, an Ordinance (the Provincial Councils' Ordinance; is directly infringed, aud I therefore feel that I should be wanting in my duty as an independent member of tho Council, were I not herewith to protest in the strongest muuncr against the appropriation of tho Revenue of'the current year without the*authority duly prescribed by law. I cannot accept the reason given by his Excellency the Governor-hi-Chief us sufficient. For it seems to me that the inconvenience of the Council assembling for the.discharge of a necessary duty, even in the prospect of a change iij tho constitution of the colony at no distant date, is very much less tliini that which results from the pain and distrust that uriscs in men's minds upon seeing an Ordinance thus arbitrarily disregarded. It is with much concern that I further feel myself bound to tender to your Excellency the resignation

of my seat in the Council. ] will lay no great stress upon the want of courtesy towards ihe Nelson members, al least, in the short notice of assembling !/iven ito them, tli- silence of the Government with regard :!" ''■'•' "i""--'i*v. iiiten'.-l '•: !:■■ submitted, and the iniuniei: in \:\.U:\l '.'.,:, \.Hn-- r .-..:\..u ■,(;',<■ foiiitcil it cttinninniciited. I ■.'round my re ■ignmicii iip.,n this —tlnit it appears to urn im-oiiipalible v.-'vh independence and self-ivspect thitt I should hold aii oflhc in which I may he virtually suspended, or remain a member, however insi-iiiilicanl, of a system of Government by which ihe laws of the colony huve been in more than one instance, disregarded. 1 beg thin your Excellency will huve the goodness to forward a copy of this letter to the Govemor-iti- ' Chief, and to the Might Hon. Lord Grey, Secretarr for the Colonies. I have the honour, &c, D. Moxp.o. Kelson, August 3, 1 ..'jO.