The Wanganui Chronicle WEDNESDAY, JUNE 1, 1949. THE PARIS CONFERENCE

Wanganui Chronicle, 1 June 1949, Page 4

The Wanganui Chronicle WEDNESDAY, JUNE 1, 1949. THE PARIS CONFERENCE

THE Paris Conference may be making- more progress in details than it is along general lines: but so far as can be judged there appears to be no prospect of bringing about a general agreement on principles. That absence of agreement on fundamentals must, wreck the conference. The Russians moved to secure a conference because they felt that it would be undesirable to bring about as t'iiey have done a consolidation of the forces that are opposed to them and then leave the situation where it was. Tne disruption of the Western Powers was essential for Russian diplomatic policy to succeed. How could this disruption best be effected ?

The continuance of the. blockade of Berlin was no way of securing support from among the German people. A gesture had to be made by the Russians of a willingness on their part to abandon the blockade and to put themselves on side with some section of the German populace. The holding of the elections in t'ne Soviet zones of Eastern Germany would, they no doubt believed, fulfil the requirements of consulting the people. Unfortunately for this move the whole of the German people were not under Soviet control and, consequently, those who were supporting the Bonn Constitution could and did express themselves freely concerning the fake elections held by the Russians. It would be useless to allow such a state of affairs to continue because every move taken to fasten a Soviet regime on Eastern Germany would result in a German protest from Bonn. The whole of t'ne technique of Soviet dominance depends upon stifling opposition. This is plain enough in every election which, the Communists hold. The public is given the choice of voting for the official candidates that have been previously selected or the voter can register his disapproval. But he cannot elect another candidate; he may only approve or not. Such a machinery is geared only to move in one direction—that is in the direction of approval—it can do no more. It is improbable that the disapprovals are counted with anything like accuracy. It would be without sense to go to the trouble of holding a one-way ballot and then to allow such a ballot to register a majority of disapproval in the community concerned.

With a German Government set up at Bonn, the next first step for that body would be to require that its authority shall extend to Eastern Germany. Immediately it is confronted with the “elected” representatives of the Eastmark it will challenge their right to represent a country where no free election has been ’held and will follow it up by requiring that the German Government at Bonn be allowed to conduct the elections throughout the Reich. This will make matters very difficult for the Soviet authorities in the occupied area. To counter this direct head-on conflict between t'ne Bonn Government and the Soviet it will be necessary for the Soviet to exercise some control over the Bonn Government. This hypothesis is supported by the opening move made at the Paris Conference by Mr. Vishinsky. He moved that the Four-Power Control of the whole of Germany should take the place of the divided control of the country. Thus would Russia be able through the Four-Power Control body to bring to nought any action by the Bonn Government in respect to Eastern Germany.

The’British proposals go in the opposite direction to that which Mr. Vishinsky’s instructions from Moscow requires. Mr. Bevin proposes to make Germany one united whole, not under Four-Party Power control, but under the Bonn Government which, in turn, shall be subjected to the necessary control to see that the peace treaty conditions are complied with. So long as the Bonn Government has control of the countrywide administration the conditions obtaining in one occupied area must be similar to those obtaining in another occupied area. The country’s economy will move towards a condition of comprehensiveness and the stimulation of the export trade must necessarily follow. The question which the Soviet authorities must ask themselves is whether, when looked at through Communist spectacles, such a development would be helpful to them. The Communist believes that it is possible to. build a better world, by having power centralised where, the assumption is, there is a much better equipped directorate fnan can possibly exist under a condition of devolution of authority. The central authority can have the benefit of a nation-wide research and. statistical service and thus the production effort of tlic community can be planned to the highest attainable degree of efficiency. The Communist cannot sec the flaw in liis theory and it is natural for him to consider opposition to him as nothing more than a selfish desire on t'ne part of the challengers to prevent the benefiting mankind in the material sense. The Church, in its opposition to Communism is, it is argued, motivated not by a desire to improve the lot of the masses, but. to maintain its hold upon its following and upon its own property bolding. To the Communist there can be no other explanation of the opposition to the Communistic thesis.

When the problem of Germany confronts the Communist regime of Moscow, however, the situation becomes complicated beyond understanding. Here are the people themselves denying that Communism ean bring them the benefits they desire to enjoy, further, if left to themselves, they will turn not to Moscow’s empty cupboard, but to the fuller cupboard of the West, whereupon many material benefits will be almost immediately available. A very great deal has already been delivered and Germany is today more indebted to the West than to the East. Germany, therefore, will again be the great customer of the United Kingdom and of the United States, the trade will flow from Germany westward and back to Germany again. Russia, which, is hungry for iron and steel and fabricated goods, particularly of the light engineering industries -will be unable to attract trade towards the east because the Communist economy cannot compete with the capitalist econ omy and this has been demonstrated both to the German people and also to the Soviet occupation authorities. A free Germany, free to trade in the world’s market, would be best for all concerned; but the. process of this being brought about is of. a roundabout nature. The Communist does not appreciate this roundabout process of the free market and clings to the directed trade of the Soviet, agreements in the hope that the theory of directed trade will eventually work out satisfactorily. In the meantime it. is necessary that no situation should be allowed to arise whereby the world, and particularly that portion of it which is under Communistic. dominance, should be given opportunities for making comparisons. The old saying- that the proof of the pudding is in the eating still has great cogency with practical minds and the Communists, aware, of that fact, must pursue their obstructive tactics to prevent people finding out. for themselves whether it is the Capitalist or the Communist pudding that is the best eating.