The Wanganui Chronicle WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 13, 1948. THE BRITISH COMMONWEALTH -NEW PHASE

Wanganui Chronicle, 13 October 1948, Page 4

The Wanganui Chronicle WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 13, 1948. THE BRITISH COMMONWEALTH -NEW PHASE

"pillf Prime Ministers who are now meeting at Number Ten Downing Street are representatives of the various members of the British Commonwealth. Besides the Prime Ministers of Australia, Canada, New Zealand, South Africa and Great Britain there are also present, equal in status with the rest, the Prime Ministers of India, Pakistan, Ceylon and Burma. They are to decide among other things the defence of the Commonwealth in an uncertain world.

The problem of defence, particularly at the present time, demands that, potential enemies shall be kept as little informed as possible concerning the measures to be taken to repel their attacks. Every piece of information that enables them to piece together the defensive measures of the British Commonwealth brings nearer, or makes more possible, the launching of an attack against Commonwealth territory. It follows then that in pursuing a purely defensive policy a considerable measure of confidence must be reposed in each individual member of the Commonwealth and that confidence can only be expressed by entrusting to its representatives vital information of various kinds.

M hen persons seek to share confidential information with others, and especially when it is the others who are to provide that information the bona tides of all concerned must be well and truly established. The question which must present itself to the initial meeting of the Prime Ministers at Downing Street is: How far may each representative of a Commonwealth be trusted? Dr. Malan’s anti-British attitude and sentiment are too well known by reason of his own conduct to permit of his being regarded as a blood brother of the British. He has chosen to be regarded as something very near 1o the reverse. It will be necessary for him to reveal where he stands and where stands the Government for which he is the leader before full confidence can be reposed in him. While a doubt exists, and the doubt does exist as to what thoughts rest dominantly in his heart and mind as a result of his own spoken words, full confidence may not lie reposed in him.

India is a problem and the greatest weight of that problem rests upon her own Prime Minister. To what can he commit. India today? In a world of stress where is India likely to go and what line would the public support were the Government of India to take it? . In a country where the politicians are practically the only articulate ones it is difficult to say which Pied Piper the children will follow. None can say which shall pipe the most pleasingly for the time being. In Pakistan even today the Press is suggesting that the Prime Minister of that country might be repudiated and the country be re-orientated towards the Russian orbit. There, too, public opinion has not properly developed and the future policy of the country is not to be divined no mattei what the representative now at Downing Street may say and no matter to what commitments he endeavours to bind his country. In Ceylon the situation does not seem to be so full of difficulties because Ceylon is a small country, comparatively speaking, and its position is governed to a large degree by the absence or presence of sea power.

But what, can be said of Burma? It is easy to describe it as the Ireland of the East, but while the saying is trite it is not true. There is no relationship between the condition of Burma and that of Ireland. Ireland is one of England’s dairy farms as is New Zealand. If Ireland loses the British market she is once again the impoverished isle. Burma depends not upon Britain but upon India for her rice market. Her metals can find a market in many directions. Britain is not the only possible buyer although she has been the major purchaser in the past. Economically both India and Burma are complementary to each other and should develop a common policy, but it is by no means certain that it will be possible to do this. Indians are not popular in Burma because tney are usurers and land-owners have never held money-lenders in favour, particularly when the borrower resorts to the lender for a loan.

The great steadying influence in Ceylon, India, Pakistan and Burma has been withdrawn and there is left to govern themselves a people politically inexperienced and admittedly dishonest and corrupt. Politics in these countries have alreadv proved a veritable series of quicksands. This being so to what extent can the representatives of these Dominions be taken into full confidence in London today ? It is by no means easy to answer such a question, but that is precisely what must be answered. The representatives of the Asiatic Dominions will be sitting in conference with mixed feelings. For the first, time in history they will be representatives of fully fledged Dominions, equal in status with the older Dominions. But they will of their new positions and possibly will be keen observers of conduct to notice whether their full status is being appropriately recognised. Such a situation would be difficult enough, but there is the added complication of the insecurity of their own authority, an authority which rests apparently on just as sure a foundation as that of the 1 rime Ministers of Australia or New Zealand. The differences are below the surface of constitutional practice which makes argument on them very difficult indeed. To meet these hidden differences in the open they may precipitate a breach : to diplomatically ignore them may cause a subterranean fissure to develop. The handling of the present Conference''of Prime Ministers Zo tllel ’ pfol ;e ’-equire consummate tact and judgment. This is the pX vr 7 a! ? sl gned to Mr. Clement. Attlee. Britain’s 1 ime Munster following immediately upon the exit in dramatic circumstances of the colourful Winston Churchill, has appeared to be colourless and ineffective. But is this the result of a violent contrast. It may be so, for it would require a personality «o strong to overshadow Churchill after the war that such personality would not be acceptable to a democracy. Clement Attlee did not come to the leadership of the Labour Party, a party which in eludes such strong personalities as Messrs. Bevin, Morrison and Shinyell, without some very unusual qualities. His ability to keen his strong horses together working as a team establishes his capacity tor reconciling and harmonising men of divergent castes ox temperament. It is to be hoped that his powers in this direction will be strong enough to meet the needs of the present Conference of Prime Ministers ot the British Commonwealth in its new nliase