The Wanganui Chronicle. THURSDAY, JUNE AMERICA’S EMOTIONAL CONTENT

Wanganui Chronicle, 10 June 1948, Page 4

The Wanganui Chronicle. THURSDAY, JUNE AMERICA’S EMOTIONAL CONTENT

’ | HE emotional nature of the American people made it difficult 4 for the United States to carry out. a foreign policy based on a long view of the future, said the Secretary of State, Mr. Marshall, when addressing the University of North Carolina. To what extent is it true that emotionalism in a larger factor in deciding American policy than it is in the political life of Europe? It cannot be said that political life in Europe is more stable in character than that of the United States because in the former continent there is no continental policy to be expressed. In the latter the appeal must reach the whole of the people living in the forty-eight States. Within those forty-eight States are sonic 140,000,000 of people of various origins, cf varying states of education, of different outlooks, and diverse interests. A national appeal made on the basis of reason would have to be supported by a mass of evidence or of factual data to support it. This would be a tremendous undertaking because the data would have to be so framed that it would be assimilated easily by the great majority of the people. That would be no easy task. A rational appeal would also be under the handicap of coming into conflict with some sectional interest which could be relied upon to answer the challenge. The absence of a common cultural and a common racial background and the fact that the population is composed of successive waves of migrants who have come at different times from a large number of homelands makes the community more of an agglomnieration than a people in the composite sense. America has been called the modem racial melting pot, but the simile is not a fitting one because too many racial entities have remained separate and identifiable groups with group interests and have not united with the national amalgam. Americans who have for generations been resident in the country have at times been unable to forget their racial origin while some have been unwilling to forget the grievances of long ago, even when those grievances were not too well founded. The unwillingness of the American colonists to submit to taxation was despicable meanness seeing that the debt to whieh they were asked to discharge was the result of the United Kingdom Government engaging in wars of protection against the hostile Indians. The Irish in America were happy to engage in their resentment of England giving no credit to the country for the passing of the AVvndham’s Land Purchase Act, a. generous piece of legislation which has done nuieh to establish Ireland as a country of small landholders. The revival of ancient grievances was an annual affair when Independence Day came round and the patriotic senator could stand up and twist the lion’s tail, knowing that Britain’s wider interests and sounder common sense would be proof against such bad manners and impertinences. All of these factors combined to make it easier for an emotional appeal to register with the requisite majority if national action was to be prompted It is to be observed, however, that in the older sections of the United States public opinion is the more static. But even here the racial blocs have to be given due consideration. Another factor affecting American public opinion is the largeness of the country. New England and California arc four days’ railway journey apart, the environment and economy of each is hardly to be compared with the other, while the background of history stems from entirely different trees. It is beyond the capacity of many Americans to think continentally but it is quite likely there are more Europeans who are equally incapable of such a task. Just, as nationality is present in Europe to support localised interests and patriotisms, so sectionalism is present in the United States to support regionalism in opposition to the nationwide view.

With the present background American public opinion must be unstable and it says much for the leaders of the nation today that America has been induced to walk the path of idealism and of enlightened self interest to the degree that she has done during and since the war. True enough, as Mr. Bevin has observed, if all assets and liabilities had been pooled during that conflict the United Kingdom would not now be a debtor nation nor in need of loans from America. That, however, is rather a large idea for most people to absorb and there should be no eavii with the American people that they have not gone far enough, the marvel is that they should have gone as far as they have done and that her statesmen have been venturesome enough to propose and press for aid for overseas countries and to stake their political futures upon the success of their appeals. It should he appreciated that the larger the political unit the greater must be the resort not to a ’’easoned argument, but to an emotional appeal. This is inevitable. The British Empire has for long been supported by a patriotism for Empire inspired by the belief that such a mission is the bearing of the White Man’s Burden. America, today, is being appealed to by her statesmen to save civilisation and freedom. It is gratifying that, .despite her newness as a nation, she not only is responding in a highly generous manner, but she is producing men from the two great political parties who are prepared to stand together in leading the nation to a higher perception of national duty. The coupling of a Democrat President Truman with a Republican Senator Vandenberg in a cause whieh calls for sacrifice and the absence of anything in the nature of a deal with the countries she is helping and proposes to help further is a good augury for the future of America. The unity among the leading publie men of the two parties on these larger issues is coincident with a growing unity in the national life and a lessened emphasis on the regional interests. These two reeent developments give promise of a greater national poliey and purpose. If this much-to-be-desired outcome develops then it will be possible for a greater degree of rationale to be imported into national appeals to the peop'e than has h.een possible in the past. Should that oeeur then a greater degree of stability can be expected in America’s foreign policy. Then a less difficult burden will be carried by those in charge of America’s international relations than is carried at the present time by Mr. Marshall and his colleagues.