ERNEST BEVIN APPEALS TO POWERS

Wanganui Chronicle, Volume 89, Issue 265, 9 November 1945, Page 5

ERNEST BEVIN APPEALS TO POWERS

“CARDS ON TABLE-FACE UP”

FOREIGN MINISTER SPEAKS WITH VEHEMENCE Reed. 6 p.m. London, Nov. 7. The Foreign Minister, Mr. Ernest Bevin, replying to a House of Commons debate on foreign affairs which was dominated by members’ concern with the atomic bomb, appealed to the great Powers to ‘‘put their cards on the table—face upwards.” He declared: “We are ready to do it.” Then, specifically mentioning Russia, he said Britain would do nothing and allow nothing to be done to provoke a situation detrimental to Russia in eastern countries, and he asked why Russia should close her doors against contacts with the outside world.

He asserted Britain’s right to friendly relations with western European nations. Not for a moment since he had held office had he considered the atomic bomb when making decisions. He hoped the world would accept his declaration that he had never once allowed himself to think ho could arrive at this or that decision because England was in possession of the atomic bomb. j

The Government and Opposition were united in foreign policy, said Mr. Churchill, opening tne debate. it was Parliament’s profound desire, he said, that the feelings of comradeship between the Russian and British peoples should rapidly be expanded. He had nothing nut admiration “for that truly great man Stalin.” He added: "Tne world outlook in several respects is less promising than alter the capitulation in 1918. Such a declaration as President Truman’s 12-point peace statement on October 27 would have prevented the first world war, and if it had been made at any time between the two wars it would have prevented the second war. We stand by the United States in a conviction which overrides ail other considerations. We should make it clear to America that we march by their side in the cause Mr. Truman defined.’’ Referring to the atomic bomb, Mr. Churchill said that what America did not wish to disclose was practical production methods. Such a disclosure, to be effective, would have to take the form of a visit by Russian specialists, scientists and engineers to American arsenals. NO RUSSIAN RECIPROCITY “I trust we are not going to put pressure on America to adopt such a course,” Mr. Churchill continued. "1 hope we adhere to Mr. Truman’s policy of keeping the knowledge of the processes as a sacred trust, and as a deterrent to aggressive war. Whatever is decided should be decided by responsible Governments, not by scientists, however eminent or ardent. We should make atomic bombs ourselves and have them here in suitable safe storage with the least possible delay. I am not sure that if the circumstances were reversed and we or America asked for similar access to Russian arsenals, it would be granted. During the war we imparted many secrets to the Russians, especially in connection with radar, but were not conscious of any adequate reciprocity.” It was not possible that we should develop strong differences with Russia on many aspects of policy, political, social and even moral, but no state of 1 mind must be allowed to occur which ruptured or withered those great associations between the two peoples which were our glory and our safety in the late frightful convulsion, added Mr. Churchill. “Any idea of Britain deliberately j pursuing an anti-Russian policy, or ( participating in a combination to the j detriment of Russia, is thoroughly op-1 posed to British thought and con-1 science. Nothing but a long period of j marked injuries and antagonism could; develop any such matter again in this I land. “There is now none of that confi- i deoce among men that they and ttieir ■ children will never again see another world war such as there undoubtedly was in 1919. I cannot bring myself to visualise in its vital character another war. It is a sombre thought that, as long as the new world organisation is so loosely formed, such possibilities and consequences are practically beyond human control.” INCONSISTENT AGRU.MENTS !

Mr. Churchill added that Russia’s statement that she would soon be able to make the atomic bomb was somewhat inconsistent with the argument that she had no grievance, and argument that Britain and America had no great gift to bestow to induce a complete melting of hearts and create a new relationship. Even in the heat of war, both Britain and Russia had acted under considerable reserve. “According to the bes information I was able to obtain. I see no reason to alter the estimate that it will be ■hree or four year , before the atomic bomb . cret passes to o her hands but even then the progress made by Britain and America may well leave us with prime power and responsibility for the u?*' of these dire, superhuman weapon..” BREACH OF TRUST ALLEGED Concluding his speech, Mr. Churchill refcired to a statement hv Mr. Blackburn (Lab.) expressing a belief that was a secret agreement between Mr. Churchill and Mr. Roosevelt, giving the United States a virtual monopoly of the development u; atomic power. Mr. Churchill said: “It is said that some British and American icientis s wouid act independently. I gather it would mean that they would betray secrets to foreign coun ries. In tha. case I hope the law will be used against these men with the utmost vigour." Mr. Chu. chill added i’..at what Mr. Blackburn had said concerring a secret agreement showed that some broach of tru t had already occurred. Mr. Churchill had no objection to the publication of any documents signed with Mr. Roosevelt, but tne mat’er was one for agreement between the two countr.es. Referring to “the very serious claim of scientist to supercede the State,” Mr. Revin declared that the Government could not surrender to any section of the community powers or duties in the field of government. People who gave an undertaking to observe the honour of their country when selected for research ought tc respect that undertaking. The campaign which had gone on recently was disturbing and unfair to responsible members and the Government. “Let is be remembered that, we are not sole agents in this matter.” he added. “I want members to feel tha there- is a great disturbance in the Imited States in the public mind, as

possessors of this bomb and having the responsibility of it, than there is in some countries who are not in possession of the bomb. When considering a step that might be disastrous. it is right to contemplate not only the conditions you are prepared to obseive, but also the condition of others sharing the trust are going to observe.” APPEAL FOR PATEINCE

Mr. J3evin appealed to members not to be too impatient in this transition period. He did not believe the world was going to be settled by the oldtime method peace conferences as iff IJI9 (cheers). He was guided in leaching decisions by whether they fitted in with obligations in connection wi.h the United States, but he admitted that there was conflict. “There is a conflict of principle that only time, understanding and concilia Jun can reconcile,” he said. ‘ You get a frightful nightmare of insecurity arising at eveiy turn. On the other hand, you have the principle of co-operation as a goal. A great difficulty arises becau.e of the terrific struggle of tne past six’years as to whether or not you can entirely obliterate what are cafled spheres of influence and power politics. Sometimes in these negotiations power politics seem to be only too naked or unashamed, but next moment you see searching and striving for other ideals. “These things are to be done by agreement, not by force, and not by aggression,” added Mr. Bevinr They are to be voluntarily entered into by the aquiescence of the people concerned. His Majesty’s Government accepts that, and we want it not merely for our projection; we don’t want it because we are afraid to defend ourselves. We have given example.. tx that, Heaven only knows.”

Mr. Bevin’s voice was raised in a ma net charged with vehemence as ne declared: "Neither am 1 prepared to accept the position so oilen blared from Moscow radio, claiming the right to have friendly relationsh.ps with their near neighbours. I am not a criminal if I asn for good relationships with . neighbours bordering on the British frontier. (Cheers.) Wnat am I doing wrong? I’m doing nothing to injure a -ybouy. I am not prepared to accept that position from any other country in the world. Just as the Government is prepared to give, it claims the right to deal with France, Holla d, Belgium, Scandinavia and other countries—not a western bloc for ail purposes—but they are our cultural friends. (Cheers.) They are our historical associates and they acknowledge the same democracy as we do, therefore 1 say I am entitled behalf of the Government to have good neighbours in my street, just as any other country is entitled to have good neighbours in its street, too. "You will probably think I am a little energet.c about this, but 1 am a little resentful and 1 think the House will agree I am entitled to be. (Cheers.) If there have been invading armies in eastern Europe, there been the blast of war in western Europe. Much of Europe’s great civilisation has been destroyed by th.s frightful struggle, therefore I welcome Mr. Truman’s declaration, and I think the declaration is a healthy one.”

Mr. Bevin made a dramatic appeal to the Great Powers to put tneir cards on the table.

# “We will take no step and will do nothing, or allow any of our agents or diplomats do anything to stir up hatred, or provoke a situation detrimental to Russia in the eastern countries,” he said. “If you give that security, I cannot accept it that the natural thing that follows is to close the door to prevent affy contact with people for trade or anything else.” (Cheers.).

Mr. Bevin said he regarded economic developments lifting burdens from the lives of the people as the most important thing in foreign policy. He believed Britain had much to give and much 1o gain by a proper exchange. There need be no jealousy and no competition. Our capacity was so great that if such a declaration had been made in 1914 the World War might possibly have been avoided, and if repeated in 1939 the war might equally have been avoided. These declarations were wonderful from the viewpoint, of our people and tbe people of the United States.

“But our policy must be such that, it must bp capable of being given effect to if ever these declarations are challenged. That is to say, our relationship planning and arrangements in economics and defence must be such that we must really mean that we shall stop aggression and be ready to stop aggression should occasion arise.” (Cheers).

He assumed that when Mr. Truman referred to the Naw and Army and I the industrial development of the United States he was laving down not merely a slogan or platitude but Indicating the roadway the United States intended to follow in relation to the rest of thp world. Mr. Churchill had said his heard was heavy. "I must, confess mine is not. I would say to Mr.' Churchill that nrobablv this Government is in a better nosit ion than ever a Government has bom at the end of a war because there is a greater public consciousness of duty and dangers than ever in the history of the country.” Mr. Bevin expressed th" opinion that the reason for this was the fact that the civilians na»d the nr : ce as well as the soldiers, and the fact that we had not profited H-om the war but had to f acn the hill in high taxation and rationing. Th® Government was in a favoured position both to mould nub’ic opinion and gi’ide the oreat issue of peace or war Tt wrs a common view that the ntnmir bomb wmild wine o»’t the ne n 1 ■ tor armies, navies and air forces. He i thought that a misconcention. H" sunI nospfi fair to sav fi-nt »n a enntnrv . Q 0 tn 90 ner "pnf of the time of fhns" i forces would be engaged in polic" I -U.fi/ic T nnrl nT .^ or he fcpnt , NO PANIC OVER ATOMIC BOMB 1 "I do not want us to get into a panic about the atomic bomb, neither do I want it to he regarded as a substitute for the ordinary normal policing of

the world. I hope that, as the United Nations organisation grows, wu will succeed in cutting down military expenditure to a minimum, but not to such a point as to make the United Nations organisation ineffective in face of aggression. The Government at the moment has very wide obligations throughout the world. Do not let us keep our minds solely on atomic bombs. There are many, many other forms of scientific investigation of an equally disastrous kind.”

Mr. Bevin added that there again it was a question at the moment of complete confidence as to whom it should be entrusted. The road to that confidence did not depend on scientific policy but upon confidence in tht, policy being followed and obligations being entered. He did not. believe anybody could devise a plan under which an international inspectorate was worth anything. We had not yet arrived at a state in which there was complete trust. “We have to arrive at that state but have not arrived yet. We are too near the war. We agreed to give inventions to other countries. We did not have it in return. It. may be they were frightened to give it to us. But we did set lhe example. If the example is to be followed let others with knowledge get in the pool before we take an undue risk. At Moscow, Yalta and all the rest of the conferences no one dreamed there would be further territorial demands except here or there-in the Straits and so forth than were already made. Warm water ports and everything have been conceded. Having conceded all this and '•not taken one inch of territory or asked for it. you cannot help being ‘a little bit suspicious if a great Power wants to go right across the throat of the British Commonwealth, which has done no harm to anybody but fight this war. (Cheers). All these chopnings and changings of frontiers over hundreds of '-ears have made people • very little richer nor have they made them securer.” Dealin" with criticism of the Emnire. Mr. Bevin pointed out that th® Empire had brought freedom where it had pot existed and within a few mopfhs nf the end nf tbe war the Govern v.as making th" mo't strenuous efforts tn pxfnni <he Commonwealth idea still further. M»-. Bovin ended with an anneal tn fix hones on the United Nations ori "nrication. The onlv wav was to |r-ro®tp a vor'H organisation capable of [making scientific evolution the servant of man, not the destroyer.