FEDERATION OF THE NORTH AMERICAN COLONIES.

Wanganui Chronicle, Volume 8, Issue 456, 26 November 1864, Page 4

FEDERATION OF THE NORTH AMERICAN COLONIES.

The great project for the fedei’atxon of all the provinoes or colonies of British North America, appears, from such advices as are brought by this week’s Canadian mail, to be gaining favour and strength. As yet, however, we have advices only from Canada ; and it must be remembered not only that the difficulties which have suggested the project exist only or chiefly in Canada, but that the- project itself affects Canada ;in a manner different from and indeedjopposite to that in which it affects the other provinces. The evil is, that XJpper and Lower Canada cannot live in peace in the same House ; and the proposed remedy is, that there shall be ■ a ; sort' of semi-separation as between the two Canadas, -which are now one, accompanied by a sort of semi-union between Canada and all the other provinces, which are separate. It might thus be that the project might be making way in Canada, and yet be receiving no acceptance in the other colonies. Still there is no symptom of much probability of at least the Atlantic colonies objecting to the plan upon principle ; and, if the Canadas agrse,. the first, which is the most difficult step, will have been taken, and the remainder of the work can be done at leisure, an d probably with com parative ease. The evils under which Canada has for some time laboured—incessant party conflicts, producing unstable and short-lived Governments and Legislatures have been seen of late in others of our colonies, but in Canada have arisen from a peculiar, and, it is now, hoped, removable cause. Two or three years ago, a project was broached at Sydney for having a law in favour of “ Annual Ministries ” meauing, not that the Ministries should last not more, but that, once in existence they should not last less, than a year, come what might come. In Canada, they have tor some time, been having practically. Annual Parliaments aud half-yearly Ministries ; and last, “ both sides having had the worst,” all parties are sick of it, and have hit upon this plan of trying to be “ better strangers ” and therefore better friends. The root of the evil in Canada was in a balance of parties—and in Canada unhappily parties mean “race, language, and religion being provided for by the Constitution. British Upper Canada and French Lower Canada were to have the same number of representatives, however their population and wealth might 'respectfully wax or wane. This arrangement was not in itself unnatural, and at the time when it was made did not operate in the same direction as now, but rather in the opposite direction. The line drawn, as to the apportionment of representation, between

the two provinces, is not “ geographical” or fanciful, but is a line between two districts, one of which is inhabited by a people of French race, language, and religion, and the other by a people of British races, languages, and religious—to peoples having, if not a natural aver-, sion, a great inaptitude for fraternising. It might seem desii'able by some such expedient as giving the two races equal representation without regard to numbers to prevent the one legislatively maltreating the other. In 1839, when the measure for union was framed, Upper Canada had the better of the bargain, having with an equal numbers of members, a population less than that of the Lower Province by 175,000. But owing to the greater prosperity of Upper Canada, arising from the energy of its population and its being a better field for emigration, these relations have been long ago reversed ; and the inequality of representation had become, and was every year becoming, more and more a source of injustice and inconvenience. In half-a-dozen years after union, Upper Canada had passed the Lower in population, and has now a majority of 400,000, or about 40 per cent., while having, and under the existing system doomed to have, only an equal number of representatives. There is thus much that is irritating in the construction of the electoral machinery, and much that is unjust and more that is obstructive in its working. Some constituencies can be found in Upper Canada each returning only one member, and yet each equalling in population ten constituencies in Lower Canada returning ten members ; and, on the total, the result is, that the Lower Province, measuring in population, has more representation than the Upper Provinces by nearly a half. It may be said that we have things like that at home, and yet that our system or want of system “ works wellbut there is no real parallel between the cases. In this country the unequal distribution of representation is in a manner accidental, and can scarcely be said to affect one party, class, or interest, more than another —what is lost here being gained there — as, for instance though the large towns have not their full share of representation, the small town have much more, and in any re-distribution the chief gainers would be the large counties. But in Canada, the inequality is designed or is established on pi'inciple ; and it has a great object and effect, in preserving the two colonial parties or interests in political equipoise, long after they have become widely unequal in population ancl wealth. In this country again, the inequality is nob increasing, but, by changes from time to time, has been decreased ; while in Canada the inequality grows visibly every day, and must continue to grow with an always increasing rapidity. The disparity in wealth, as measured by taxation, seems still greater than in numbers —Upper Canada, it is stated, paying three-fourths of the whole taxes of the colony. One effect of this state of things is a mixture of niggardliness and extravagence in the colonial expenditure —where one section of a country pays the taxes and the other spends them, strict economy in the expenditure cannot be expected,” said Mr. Brown, the leader of the upper Canadian party, and .he might have added, nor strict integrity and fairness either. Another effect, as it generally is, of. an equipoise of parties, is that political leaders, in order to obtain or retain power are led into unworthy compromise and compliances, to the sacrifice not more of their own honour than of the public interests. A very good illustration of the working of the system is to be found in the fact that it contains within itself the means of curing this evil, but that those means cannot practicably be set in motion. It is within the power of the Canadian Parliament to reform itself, by re-adjust-ing the share of representation of each province in accordance with the altered proportions of population ; but, as a matter of course, that moiety of the Parliament returned by Lower Canada will not consent to its diminution —those who benefit by the injustice, have simply by virtue of the injustice, the power of forbidding the remedy. The principle of the plan now agreed upon by the leaders of parties —and only the principle has yet been accepted is to withdraw purely Lower Canadian and purely Upper Canadian matters from the Legislature of the United Provinces, and leave them to separate and in some sense subordinate legislatures to be instituted in each province. And with this is to be joined an invitation to all the other British colonies in North America to do likewise—to transact what may be called their local affairs in local legislature, and to join The Canadas in a Federal Legislature dealing with matters common to all ; in short, to form a Federal Union very like that of the late United States except in having, Instead of a President elected by the colonists, a GovernorGeneral nominated by the Crown. The ideas of federating all the. North Ameri can provinces, and of dividing the local from the General functions of the legislatures, is at least exempt from the charge of being “newfangled.” It is in truth what was originally intended when the Constitution was framed in 1839, and it has often been proposed and discussed among the Canadians since, though, it is only now that repeated obstructions and “dead-locks” have driven the party leaders to join in seeking its realisation. In fact the whole of the present scheme, so far as it has yet been developed, is but a transcript of Lord Durham’s famous report made afterthe insurrection of 1837-8, which the Melbourne Ministry greatly impaired in the bill founded upon it, and which was still further impaired by the Parliamentary Opposition of that day. Lord Durham, it is now almost forgotten, proposed not onlt tlm legislative union

of the Canadas, out also “ provisions by which any or all of 'the North American | colonies may, on the application of- their' legislature, be, with the consent of the' two Canadas, or of their united legislature, admitted into the Union on such termsas may be agreed on between them ;” that there should be a plan of local government by elective bodies subordinate to the general legislature, to exercise “a : control over such local affairs as do not fall within the province of general legislation j” and that there should be a general executive and supreme court of appeal for all the North American colonies. Lord Johu Russell, in introducing in the House of Commons a Bill professedly founded on Lord Durham’s Report, said that the Government declined for the time to adopt the proposal of a confederation of all the North American colonies but adopted that of “ local elective bodies with power to levy local taxes for the formation of roads, bridges, and other necessary local purposes,” which was a considerable limitation of Lord Durham’s; meaning. Accordingly, a clause establishing local legislatures or councils was? continued in the Bill passed through? Parliament and next year, when a similar Bill was introduced, Lord Russell ultimately withdrew the clause about local' legislatures, on the ground that he- “ found great difficulty in assigning justand proper limits to the power of thosebodies.” That difficulty still remains to be overcome ; but the Canadians aremore likely to overcome it among themselves in a way satisfactory to themselves, than the British Parliament would be*., and they are more likely to settle it in > 1864, “after they have experienced the - evils of the present system, than they./ were in 1840.

It is not only between the different colonies, but between all the colonies and : the mother country, that difficulties exist in the way of this new confederation ;; but there may be entire confidence that, only some very gross encroachment on the interest of the country would provoke the British Government or Legislature todo otherwise than allow the North American colonists to ai’range their difficulties in their own way. In other words, all affairs that are really and entirely their own affairs will be cheerfully left to be done with as they shall see fit or can manage. There will not be now any of that fear of ulterior consequences which had some influence in 1839, when the proposed confederation of the colonies was objected to in some quarters as likely to operate in favour of future sepearation. from the mother country. It is very probable that proclivities that.way exist among some of the promoters of the present scheme—by no means excluding; its chief champion the Hon George Brown? who on his re-electsion a fortnight ago, saidr-

“It cannot be that these great provincesshall always be permitted to hold their present relations to the mother country. We cannot, expect that Britain will always, without consideration, send her navy to ganrd our shores.. We cannot expect that British troops shallalways, without consideration, stand ready todefend us against attack. We must look forward to the day when the whole of British. America shall stand together ; and, in close alliance and heartiest sympathy with Great Britain, be prepared to assume the full duties and responsibilities of a great and powerful nation. But the first step towards the accomplishment of all this is to settle our political institutions on a sound and healthy basis.”

The case is here put as if this countryfelt the colonies as a burden and desiredto be quit of them, and as if Mr. Brown participated in these feelings ; but perhaps, we shall not be wrong in inferring that what Mr. Brown really feels is, that the colonies have the worst of the bargain, and that what he desires is “independence,” or possibly union with the late United States. Be that as it may, it" ever the day arrives when the colonists, shall say that they desire no longer to be> citizens of the British empire, but to assume some other position which they estimate as more dignified or more profitable, they will find themselves as free to go as they are now welcome to stay. Scotsman.

llollowm/s Pills. - Indigestion. How much thought; has been bestowed, and what donderous volumes have been written upon, this plague of every household, which is with certainty and safety dispelled, without fear of relapse, by a course of this purifying soothing, and tonic medicine! It acts directly on the stomach, liver, and bowels —more indirectly, though not less effectively, on the brain, nerves, vessels, and glands, and commands such order throughout the entire system that harmony dwells between each organ ' and its functions. Dyspepsia can now no longer be the bugbear of the public, since Holloway’s Pills are fully competent to subdue the most chronic and distressing cases of impaired digestion, and to restore the miserable sufferer to health, strength, and cheerfulness.