LOCAL INTELLIGENCE.

Wanganui Chronicle, Volume 7, Issue 353, 23 July 1863, Page 3

LOCAL INTELLIGENCE.

The Natives.— The Ngarauru atul Ngatiruantii natives have nearly all returned home ; only two chiefs of any rank (Hori Tipene and Pehemana) aiid a few others belonging to the former trjbe remaining at Tataraimaka. Sus-picion-of their allies, and" particularly of the Wanganui natives (whom they passed by stealth) has-led to their return,' and the Ngarauru seem to be anxious to treat with Mr. White through the agency of the Pakaraka people. One of the. sixteen,who first returned waited lately on MrV White to know if he would receive them again as Queen- natives, and on what terms ; and we are informed that he replied, that the first proceeding; must be the delivery to him of their arms. That done, they, might come and o-o as friendly natives till the war was ended, when tlfe Governor would have to say-what |>enalty they should l pay for having taken up arms against the Queen ; and that the amount of the penalty-would no doubt- depend greatly on their conduct between this time and'the termination of the war. Mr. White further fotbdde those who have been at Tataraimaka to come on this side'the Waitotara river.

About thirty Wangaiiuis have returned from the war ; but on the othtr hand' it is said that Pehi and Topiiuhave determined to join their friends at Warea,-where about 300 Wanganuis and the stragglers of the: Ngaraimi and Ngatiruanux, are asvaiting the return of the tioops to Tataraixnaka. Pehi and Topitii intimated an intention of going., (hiring an interview with some of Mr. White’s native assessors.

Nixie months ago; the Kingites did not hesitate to enter the pahs of friendly natives to seize and. enforce payments of fines from those whd ovhxed allegiance to the Queen. The saddle is now on the other hoi-se ; and a circumstance which has just occurred up the river shows liow far the kingite power is broken. An assessor named'Rewi inflicted a fine of 1Z on an old woman for an assault, and she'agreed to give a pig of that value as payment. Some.of her rela(Kiiigxtes) Refused to allow it to be given up, and Rewi therefoi'e sent to Pehi and Topini oil the subject. They sent a Kingite magistrate to seize the animal, but the woman’s friends would xiot yield. Pehi then wrote to Reivi to say he would not interfere further, hut would leave it entirely in his bands. Rewi then asked what Pehi would do if he (Rewi) seized it,'and if he had to use force in doing so, and to both questiousPehireplied, “Nothing.” Rewi thereupon took some policemen with him, and the pig was given up without further trouble. ■ 1 ■ ■■ -

Letters have been received by some Wangaiiui natives announcing that some Pakelxas had been killed by thenatives near Auckland. One version of the affair is, that a small paxty of white men were cut off and killed at the termination of the South road at the Waikato river. Another is, that a party of natives went as if to deliver up tlxeir aims, and tomahawked the persons appointed to receive them. If such an affair has .occurred it must have been since the Storm Bird left on the 12th inst. .

Who’s most afraid ?—-By way of commemol'ating; the Prince of Wales’ wedding the settlei’s found Auckland lighted bonfires on the hills. This teiTified the Maoris, who looked iipon it as the signal for a rising of the Pakehas to destroy them ; and they accordingly fled to the hush, where they remained skulking for some days. This Tii turn alarmed the settlers at Waiukn and elsewhere, and the women and childi’en were sent post haste into Auckland for safety. ; ■The Militia.— -In reference to the Militia proclamation and notices; in our paper to-day, it may be well to call attention to an alteration of the Militia law as embodied in the new act. Forinerly a man liable to seiwe, but neglecting to enrof himself, -was liable to a penalty of 51, but escaped service for the yeai*. Now, any one failing to enrol himself will have to pay the fine and sexve too. The Volunteers, who for some time past have .been subjected to a merely nominal'amount of drill, .will, now see the advantage of their position, as the. Militia, owing to the. length of time that lias elapsed since the issue of the Governor's proclamation, willdiave to be .drilled twice a week till the beginning of October—a consideration which may help agaiii to fill ti e ranks of the Volunteers.

Sudi,en Death.- An inquest was held on Satnixlay / last, at " Davidson’s Steam _ Packet Hotel, upon the body of Mr. Thomas Shields, late of Waiigachu, who died- suddenly at his

own’ : residence, on Thursdays the 16th inst., from the rupture of a Blood vessel on the lrui ,s. • The body was..brought intoWanganui on Friday, and the funeral, which took place, on Sunday-, was’attended By a large number of the deceased gentlematfs friends and neighbours, by whom lie is much; and sincerely regretted. We are requested to state that the whare mentioned in the evidence last week, in the case “ Strachan v. Bambridge,” neither belonged ’ to nor was ever occupied by Mr. James Atkinson,; as stated. by one of the; wit nesses. . : *

Pedagogue. What is a lake ? - Apt Pupil. A portion of water surrounded By land. " : : ' :

Ped. Did you ever see a lake ? 1 Apt Pupil. Yes, sir.;, that’s, a lake Between the Rutland Hotel and the Barrack store, isn’t it ?

The Sto7'tn Bird came in bn Thursday and brought news from Auckland to the 11th,. Tarrinaki to the 13th, and Nelson to the loth, the left Manukau oh Sunday morning, and brings despatches and arms (carbines for the Rangitikei Cavalry Corps but no accoutrements) for this place : rumours having reached Auckland that the Wanganui natives were going to rise/’

From Auckland the news is important. The volunteers and militia were in charge not only of the City itself, but of the outposts ; and the troops were all moved to the front. General Cameron with 2,000 men was at Waikato, and othei's were at Drury. The Avon steamer was to proceed up the Waikato yesterday ; and the Maories were said- to be endeavouring to block up the river, by falling trees across it. The Governor had issued the following Proclamati n. NOTICE. To the Natives of Mangere, Pukaki, Ihumatao Te Biriki, Patumahoe, Pukeno, and fuakau. All persons of the native race living in the Manukau district, and the Waikato frontier, are hereby required to take the Oath of Allegiance to her Majesty the Queen, and to give up their arms to an officer appointed by the Government for that purpose. Natives who comply with this order will be protected. Natives refusing to do so are hereby warned forthwith to leave the district aforesaid, and retire to Waikato, beyond Maungatawhiri. In case of their not complying with this order, they will Be ejected. < J By his. Excellency's order.

•July 9th, 1863., , ’ Yery few natives had responded to it, (at Mangere only G) and as a body they decline to give up t their arms, although they arc willing to take any oaths, and say they do not see why they should not have a king as well as that we should have a Queen, and as a result of the proclamation, the New Zealander of 10th inst/says :- .

‘ • Some natives from Ngavuawahia were in \ ucldand yesterday. In the evening, however, a great iriany natives, men, women’and children, carrying with them their ‘ boxes,’ kept moving out from the town,”

The following notice lias also been issued by the Commissioner of Police at Auckland : -7- “ Wliereas certain evil-designed natives have declared their intention of, of have been talking about, attempting to; do . some evil in the town ; and it is impossible for the police and military, at night time, to distinguish between friends and foes : It is therefore required of all friendly-disposed Maories, that they abide within'their houses from dusk in the evening until daybreak ; let them not move about outside lest theyjlget into trouble. It has also been ordered that every Maori found on the streets uftlie town after dark lie apprehended. July 9th, 1863.,. Ju reference to this the Southern Cross of the 11th inst remarks, —“ As it respects the Auckland natives, the proclamation which was posted : about the town yesterday, ordering them to keep within their houses from dusk to daybreak, appears to have caused quite a commotion amongst them, for groups of them might be seen about the streets yesterday talking with so much energy, that one might suppose they were discussing not only the ‘ native difficulty,’ but, even the fate of nations..

Tliei'e was a special general parade of Auckland ..volunteers on tin; lOtli, at which very few were absent. When they had formed, in line, Major Campbell, requested such as did not volunteer for actual service to stand out, a call which was only responded to by a very few ; so that we may say they almost unanimously voluutered for active service. They were dismissed until nine o’clock ; and on i’eassembling again, they were told off for their respective duties during the day and night.

COPY OP A DFSPATCH FROM HIS GRACE THE DUKE OF NEWCASTLE, K.G., TO GOVERNOR SIR GEORGE GREY, K.C.B. Downing street, 26.Eebruary, 1863. Silt.—-In the memorandum presented to you on the part of your late ministers, and,bearing date Btli October, 1861, they declared the. , existence of the Native Secretary’s department “free as it. was from all control on the part.of the responsible ministers,”. to be “ a very serious evil representing that, while the general government of the colony was conducted by ministers responsible .to the General: Assembly, the executive functions of Government in relation to native affairs were exercised by an officer who was under no such . responsibility, direct or indirect, but. received his instructions from the Governor himself, who, therefore, to that extent, retained the management of native affairs his own hands; ' ; !

You informed, me in your despatch No. 36 w of 30th November that you concurred with your advisers—that, under the existing " circu instances, it was in your opinion quite impossible that her Majesty’s Government could be advantageously carried on under such a system, and that you had immediately arranged to consult your responsible ministers in relation to xVative affaii-s in the same manner as upon all other subjects, and in like manner to act through them in relation'to'all native matters; you urged the impolicy on the

part of the Home Government of attempting to "interpose the Governor or any other protective authority between the natives and the Central Assembly, and you recommended that the arrangement thus made by you should be left in permanent operation. ■ I replied as follows 1 :—“ I am ready to sanction the important step you have taken in placing the management of the natives under the control of the Assembly. I do so partly in reliance on your own capacity tO ; perceive,- and your'desire' to do, what is best for those in whose wel-fare-I know you are so much interested ; but I do it also because I cannot disguise from myself that the endeavour to keep the management of the natives under the control of the; ; Home = Government has failed. It can only I be mischievous to retain a shadow" of responsibility when' the beneficial exercise of power has become impossible.” I have now received your despatches, containing wliat may be considered as the comment of the colonists on the decision of thb Home Government. ;

The despatch of the 26th of August encloses certain resolutions of the House of Representatives, which declare that the ; ministers are to accept, “at your request,” what, at the suggestion of their predecessors, you had in fact already transferred to them—the executive administration of native affairs. They further declare, that the decision on all matters of native policy is reserved to the Governor ; and on the second declaration, which is divested of all substantial meaning by the first, they- ground the conclusion that the power thus accepted “ shall not be held to bind the colony to any liability past or future, in connection with native affairs, beyond the amount authorised or to be authorised by the House of Representatives.” I can readily imagine that you must have been somewhat embarrassed by tlve communication to you of these singular resolutions so ambiguous in-every respect except iu the evident'intention of avoiding those powers aud responsibilities which, until they were conferred by the Imperial Government, the Colonial Legislature and Ministers had repeatedly demanded.

You state, however, that you have consented to act in their spii it until my instructions should reach you, being satisfied from your knowledge of your ministers, the settlei*s and the natives, that whatever may be in theory the nature of the relations -existing between yourself and your advisers, the practical result will be the same, and that her Majesty’s' service will not suffer lrom the arrangements now adopted. You do not consider the relations thus established as satisfactoi'v, but you anticipate that when the difficulties now subsisting shall .be brought to a close, the General Assembly will, if the Home Government should desne it, assume the entire resporisibily of native affairs. I entirely approve of the course which you have a dopted. Iu the position in which you were placed by the resolutions which you transmit, and in the absence of any specific instructions from her Majesty’s- Government, it was your paramount duty, without reference to any theory of administration, or to anything else but the means at your command; to take care that the present and future safety of the colony was provided for. This you appear to have done. I do not doubt that you will continue to do so, and I congratulate myself in the circumstance that the Government of New Zealand is in the hands of an officer whose personal character will secure him a due influence in the affairs of the colony, independently of the terms in which the General Assembly may recognise his authority. Of the remaining despatches the most important are those which enclose addresses to Her Majesty from the Legislative Council and House of Representatives ; of these I proceed to notice those portions which appear to me most material as bearing on the present and future policy of the Home Government.

In the first place, the Council and House of .Representatives decline the functions which have been relinquished to them.

The House of Representatives allege that the duty of educating, civilising, and governing the aboriginal inhabitants ot the Islands does not solely belong to the European inhabitants of the colony, and assuming this duty to belong in part to the Home ’ Government, they add that the liability of that Government is greatly inci eased by the fact that from the first settlement 6f the colony the government of the natives has been in the hands of her Majesty’s representatives under the orders of successive Secretaries of State. They poiut out that the allegiance of the natives as a body, has never been more than nominal, that the proposed tansfer of authority is to be made at a time when some of them are actually in arms for the establishment of an independent authority, and that, if the colonists are left to their resources, they may be driven on the one hand to engage in a sanguinary wav of races, or on the other to abandon the show, where they cannot exercise the reality, of control, and to leave,- the bulk of the Maori race to virtual or even to avowed independence.

The Legislative Council, admitting that; the system of Government hitherto itx force has failed, state that this is not the. fault of the colonists, who have always submitted to it with reluctance. They state that the war is one of the results of that system, and earnestly repudiate my statement that it is a “ settlers’ war,” on the ground that “hostilities were commenced and carried on by her Majesty’s representative at a time when he was solely accountable to the Imperial Government, and when the Legislature

of the colony had no control over hi.s actions .in this respect.” And they add that “ when peace, order, and the authority. of the law shall have been re-estab-lished throughout the colony,” and not till then, can it bo just that the powers and responsibilities of governing the Maories should be transferred to the ordi il;ivy Gover 11m ent of the colony. The House of Representatives, after alluding to the losses to which the Taranaki settlers have been subject, describe the Home Government in a similar spirit as “the authority under which those sufferings have arisen,’ ’ meaning it to be inferred (as clearly, appears from the context) that the . Home Government is the “ author” of those sufferings, and therefore, of course, eminently responsible for the increased expenses of native Government.

And they observe that in respectfully declining the Government of the natives, they ,do so,. not as shrinking from .the thing in itself, but because they seem to discover in my despatches the intention to transfer to them also certain liabilities and burdens, which they consider to belong properly to the Empire. This, I think is a fair summary of the documents which I have before me, so tar as they relate to the two great questions at issue between the Home and Colonial Governments—who shall govern the natives, and who shall pay the expense oi governing them. With ■ regard ; to other matters, the Council and House of Representatives concur in disputing my statement, that the Government of New Zealand appears to have no adequate apprehension of the obligation under which the colonists lie to exert themselves in their own defence, and to submit to those sacrifices which are demanded from persons, whose lives and properties are in danger. They state what has actually been done. They coinplain, as I understand, that the militia and volunteers have not shared with the regular army in the distribution of honours and rewards due to meritorious service. They suggest that in order to get rid of dis ided responsibility, the control of the military -force should be entrusted to the Governor, i. e., be subject to the influence and authority of the responsible Government; and, finally, they express their hope that it may appear to her Majesty that, “ a complete, examina tion ought.to be made into the respective obligations of the mother-country and tlie colony with reference to the native race in order to an equitable ‘ apportionment of those obligations,’ ” and that her Majesty “ will be pleased to direct a full inquiry to be made into the condition and prospects of the colony, aud a reconsideration of the announced intentions of her Majesty’s Governmen.” Without exactly knowing wliat form of examination or inquiry is contemplated by.the House of Representatives, lam entirely of opinion that the time has come for her Majesty’s Government to state clearly wliat they hold to he the respective obligations of the mother-country and the colony with reference to the native race especially with regard to the expense of native wars. Eor it is plain that the views .entertained of those obligations by the home Government and the colonists respectively are of a very opposite character. And it is lam sure, far better that this discordance should be distinctly recognised at .whatever risk of immediate dissatisfaction than that it should bo allowed to minister occasion for continual disputes on matters of detail, accompanied by those mischievous accusations of harshness or of disingenuity which are the common results of misapprehension. If it be. asked whether the expense of natiye government and of native wavs in New Zealand is in its nature local or imperial. or to speak with requisite accuracy whether that expense should be d frayed by taxes imposed on the inhabitants of •New" Zealand, or by taxes imposed on the inhabitants, of the TJuited Kingdom, the first and most obvious answer is, that the cost of all war and government should be borne by those for whose benefit it is carried on,* that is to say, in this case, by the inhabitants of New Zealand. The members of every community are bound to pay for what immediately concerns their personal safety, and the security and extension of their pi’operty. , Nor if the question is viewed as one of dry justice would, this answer be much affected by the circumstance that the native policy has been conducted subject to instructions from the Home Government. The duty of the governed to defray the expences of' tlieir own government, does not depend upon the nature of that go vernment, whether free or absolute, native or foreign, but on the circumstance that the governing authority is acting honestly as trustee for their interests, and not for the interests’ of any third party. ! But it cannot be alleged that Now j Zealand has at any time been governed , in the interests of the inhabitants of tiro | United Kingdom. The colonists are not j compelled to give a preference to English manufacturers, or to carry their produce to an English market. They contribute no quota to the Imperial army, no money to the Imperial treasury. The British taxpayer, in short, has never derived, or endeavoured to derive from New Zealand any other advantages than those which the,colony and the mother country enjoy in common from commerce and j emigration. I repeat, therefore, that as j matter of strict right the circumstance that the internal administration of New Zealand was controlled by tlie British Government would not relieve the colonists from the duty of providing for the ! expense ‘of that government, including ( 1 hat of intestine or frontier wars. !

I am aware, however, that the quesion cannot be dealt with as one of strict right—nor have I any intention of argnirg it on that footing. When bodies

politic are'so closely related to each other as Great Britain and her colonies, the stronger is under an obligation to assist tlie weaker, an obligation of generosity and wisdom as irresistible practically as one of technical justice, and unquestionably heightened in • proportion-■ to the amount of control exercised by the power which gives assistance over the affairs of the community which receives it. This species of obligation the' British Government has ever been ready to acknowledge and fulfil. I'efore the institution of responsible government in 1853, the military expenses of New Zealand were unhesitatingly adopted by the Imperial Government. In the five years, from 1853 to 1857 inclusive, I find that 434,300/ of I ritish money must have been spent on the same account, besides naval expenditure. At the end of 180*2 there appear to have been about 3,500 officers and soldiers in New Zealand, at an annual cost to the Imperial treasury of nearly 350,000/ per annum. I do nob pause to inquire whether this large expenditure deserved or elicited any gratitude from the colonists, a question of slight practical importance, but I state as an opinion which will uot be questioned beyond the limits of New Zealand, that a Government which thus frankly adopted the whole cost of colonial wars, was entitled, as a necessary consequence, to a para mount control over the causes out of which these wars were always liable to arise, that is, over native a flail’s.

With all its disadvantages to Great Britain, this arrangement is a common one, and there were peculiar reasons why the Home Government was ready to submit to it in New Zealand.

Eor when the British Grown employed its credit to procure the sovereignty of New Zealand, for the advantage of those I ritish subjects who had settled arid might afterwards settle there, it became bound to secure to the utmost of its power that the rights thus obtained should not be used (as they have been elsewhere) to the injury of the natives. The Pome Government had therefore been anxious to ureserve ah-effectual authority in the management of native affairs, either until the amalgamation of the races had proceeded so far as to break down the sharp division of colour which at present exists, or uutil a system of government had taken root in the colony which, by assigning to the Maories some recognised constitutional position, would furnish some guarantee against oppressive treatment of the less educated race, and would thus at once satisfy and protect them.

Up to the passing of the Constitution act the Imperial Government possessed that authority. Its influence in the Legislature, and its absolute control over public officers, conferred upon it all, aud possibly more than all, the power that an Imperial government could possibly exercise in a colony of L ritish settlers for tlie advancement of the Maories and fertile prevention of quarrels between them and the colonists. But this form of government was abohshed by the Constitution act, and tlie coincident establishment of responsible government. The effect of this act, and of the proceedings consequent upon it, was to transfer the government of the island to tlie colonists, subject to an understanding which was arrived at with the Governor and his ministers, that he should retain tlie personal direction of the native policy of the Government.

But this understanding must not he misapprehended. The Governor had no power of taxing the natives, or of relieving them from taxation. He had no power to make laws for them. He had no adequate revenue at his command for administrative, educational, or police purposes, and the inadequacy of the sum reserved iu the Constitution act for these objects enabled the Colonial Government from time to time to procure his assent to various acts calculated to bring the conduct of native affairs, in various important particulars, under tlie control of the responsible ministry. Such were, tlie Native Reserves act (No. 10 of 1850), the Native District Regulations act (No. 41 of 1858), the Native Circuit Courts act (No 42 of 1858), under all of which tlie powers- conferred nominally, on the Governor aie to be exercised by him as a colonial officer “by the advice of the Executive Council,” and not as an Imperial officer under instructions from tlie Secretary of State.

It is plain, therefore, that all 'comprehensive action upon the natives depended upon the legislative action of the colonists. All that the Governor could do (as representing the Home Government) was to handle the existing machinery, and especially to prevent any injudicious pressure upon the natives on the point upon which they are most susceptible,— the alienation of their lands.

he inadequacy of these poweis was represented to the Jdome Government by Colonel Gore Browne, and an attempt was made, not so much to enlarge them, as to bring them by act of the Imperial Government into a form in which they would be capable of more effective exercise. The measure was opposed, as inconsistent with the rights of the colonists, by those who claimed to represent colonial feeling, and in deference to that feeling was withdrawn. The matter being afterwards debated in the General Assembly, it appeared that the feeling of the colorists hud been accurately represented in England. The colonists not only deprecated firm!y any action of the British Parliament, but, through their ministers and parliament; they refused to concede more to the Imperial Government than a vote of 23;30/, payable for seven years to a native council, from whom all practical power was carefully withheld. Even this trilling and simply

'pecuniary concession was only sanctioned by the 13 ousel of Representatives, “ on the distinct understanding that the control and ordinary ‘departmental administration of native .affairs shall be placed under responsible ministers, subject to tlie provisions of the bill and to the proper constitutional action of the supreme head of the Executive.” You cannot fail to observe the importance of these proceedings. You perceive that since the passing of the Constitution act, far from New-Zealand being, as to native affairs, “a Crown colony” (a theory strangely maintained by some of its leading politicians), the Home Government had possessed a mere relic of that power respecting native affairs, to which it was indisputably entitled so long as it was responsible for quelling native insurrections. Small as that relic had been, it had been the object of constant jealousy and encroachment on the part of the Colonial Government ; and the attempt, under circumstances of pressing exigency, to mould it into some imperfect efficacy, has been met in effect (for I dismiss as unworthy of consideration, unmeaning phrases which merely serve to disguise the truth) by a demand for its abandonment.

If instead of taking this course, the acts of the colonists had shown any such , disposition, as might sometimes be inferred from their language, to make the existing condition of things somewhat less anomalous and illusory, it is possible that for their sake and for that of the Maories, the British Government might have felt itself bound to support for sometime longer the extreme disadvantages of-the position which it occupied. But the proceedings which I have described, relieved the Home Government from auy obligation of this kind with regard to the colonists, while your own despatch, to which I have already referred, furnished sufficient assurance of what recent experience had gone far to prove, that the existing arrangements were not realy of use to the natives.

When, therefore, I learnt that your late Ministry had repeated, and that you had acceded to the constant demand of the colonists for the abolition of the Native department, I had little hesitation in sanctioning'yoiu proceedings. The foregoing statement supplies an answer to much that'is contained in the memorials of the Legislative council and House of Representatives. It exhibits my reasons for holding that he duty of civilizing and eontroliing the aborigines ot New Zealand,-rests- in the first place with the inhabitants of the colony, who are primarly interested in the order, prosperity and tranquility of their own conntry, and who* within its limits, alone exercise the poweGof imposingtaxes and passing laws—that the Imperial Government is not called upon as a matter of right to relieve the inhabitants from any part'of their responsibilities—that for their own supposed advantage it has hitherto so relieved them, hut upon implied conditions which have long been imperfectly acquiesced in, and have now been plainly repudiated by the colonists —finally, that .the failure of the system hitherto pursued, aud the necessity for abandoning it, arises not from the neglect Government to exercise its powers but froiii the inadequacy of those powers, and the refusal of the colonial community to coufer or submit to them. I willingly admit the perfectly constitutional character of that refusal.

I now turn to other matters. The Legislative Council, as I have already said, dispute my statement that the [ires eat is a settlers’ war, and the House of Representatives use language winch is evidently calculated, and therefore I presume intended, to convey the impression that the British Government is the author of that war.

I need not inform the framers of these memorials,- that the” purchase of land from the natives is a matter which the various Provincial Governments are directly interested in promoting, even in defiance of native opposition, but which the Home Goveanment, so long as it pays for native wars, is interested in suspending in all cases where it cannot be effected without exciting opposition. I need hardly further inform them, that the progress of these land sales under the auspices of the Native Department, and therefore under the control of the Imperial Government, was an object of complaint to t>]ie settlers, and that these complaints were particularly urgent in New Plymouth, and referred especially to the land in the neighbourhood of the Waitara. The decision to complete, by force if necessary, the-purchase of that land, was adopted at the advice not of the Native Department, but of the Executive Council, and the proclamation of mariial law was transmitted to the officer in command under the signature of the chief responsible minister. It was under this pressure, with this advice and tlnough this agency, that Governor Browne took the steps which led to the war—steps which, although I thought it my duty to sanction them, were in a direction opposite to that which a '-purely Imperial policy would have dictated. It is in this state of facts that the legistative bodies of New Zealand without alleging that Colonel Browne’s acts were unwise, or that they were dictated by any Imperial policy or instructions, without denying that they arose, on the contrary, from a desire to promote colonial interests in a way which the colonists themselves demanded, and by proceedings which the responsible ministers formally advist d, do not hesitate to repudiate all colonial responsibility in the matter, and to charge the Home Government with the author.-h pof their sufferings.

I proceed to another point. My statement that the New Zealand Government have not yet shown an adequate appro-

Illusion of the duties of .self-defence, is disputed by the legislative bodies. My own views on this subject I have already expressed: I will notice one or two passages'from the papers before me which indicate theirs.

The House of Representatives think it sufficient, in times of civil war, and while depending almost absolutely for tlieir defence on the Home Government, that the “ population of the colony” should: he “at all times ready, if oalled upon by the military commanders” (not to undergo regular training for military service, or 1o leave their homes to assist their-neigh-* hours, but) “ foi* active support in tlieir own districts.” ' I have also observed that a member of your Ministry alleges as a severe hardship that, in contending for their own and their neighbours’ security, the colonists should have been compelled to pay almost as much per bead- towards the expences of the struggle, and i : n compensation. of the sufferers, as an average taxpayer of Great Britain contributed to secure the safety of the. Turkish empire. Finally, the Colonial Treasurer, writing with tlie concurrence of his colleagues, mid therefore, it may be said, speaking the voice of the colony, expresses himself as fallows- :• — . '

“They,” the Government, “ do not regard either the payment of the militia, the reinstatement of the province of Tai auaki,or roads constructed for strategical purposes, as fair charges against the colony ; and they consider that any sums paid by - the Colony under these heads ought to be taken into consideration” (as not fairly chargeable against uhe colony) “in the final adjustment of account between the Imperial and Colonial Governments, whenever that adjustment shall take place.” Considering that the colonists who compose this militia treat it as unreason able that they should be called upon to move beyond their awn districts, and that their service is thus confined to oases in which their personal interests are threatened that; the war arose under the cireumstanees whioh I have.-'already described at. New Plymouth, and in the interest of its inhabitants ; and that the construction of roads, whioh has hitherto been confined to land over which the native- title, has been extinguished, cannot fail to be of the highest importance in increasing; the material wealth of the colony, and the value of its land ; the fact that the -leading politicians of New .Zealand should have concurred in declaring that these expences are properly chargeable against the Home Government, relieves me. I think, from the necessity of offering any further proof that the New Zealand Government have not hitherto sufficiently apprehended the obligation under which they and their fellow-colon-ists lie to exert themselves in their own defence.

I now come perhaps to a more practical matter than any of which 1 have yet treated. It is complained that the power and duty of governing the natives is to be'transferred to them in a time of war, and the Legislative Council add that the Colonists will be ready to accept that transfer when “ peace, tranquillity, and tlie authority of the law shall have been es fca I>l ished tli rough out the colony. ” Here I must first explain, that I have never indicated any such intention as the House of Representatives appear to discover in my words, when they speak of the duty of self-defence as one which it is proposed at once to- “ transfer wholly ” to them “ without-material aid.”

Her Majesty’s Government, in sending a. Targe body of troops to New Zealand, have fully recognised that degree of res ponsibility which their nominal control over native affairs imposed upon them, and have been further actuated by an earnest desire to save both races of her Majesty’s subjects from an internecine war, and to carry them, by a special exercise of Imperial power, through the present crisis of their history They are well aware of the great difficulties which yon, your Government,-'and the colonists have still to contend with, and they are prepared to treat New Zealand, for the present, with much consideration in the matter of military protection. But on this point I shall address you more specifically hereafter. What I wish now to say is this—that her Majesty’s Government do not recognise the obligation of supporting the burden to which Great Britain is now subject, until “ the authority of the law is re-established.” It is quite notorious, and the House of Bepresentatives fully admit, that “ the allegiance of the natives has never been more than nominal.” It is almost impossible that it should have been otherwise. I owe it, indeed, to the Home Government, to the successive Governors of New Zealand, and to the officers of the Native Departmeat, to point out that under the system which has existed hitherto, the Maories have made advances in intelligence and civilisation unparalleled (as far as I am aware) in the history of uncivilized tribes, I observe that in a recent colonial debate, an eminent colonist, not by any means friendly to that system, stated to the House of Bepresentatives that he knew “ of no race, at any period of the world’s history, which* had made in so short a period so great a stride.” I believe that Mr Fitz Gerald's statement is correct ; and, while I attribute the mam merit of this h ippy 3-esult to the Ministers of religion and other teachers of the native youth, I claim some credit for the success of that system of imperial trusteeship which, before the year 1856, was real and effective. Buta numerous and warlike nation of savages cannot in 25 years be eutii’ely subjected to a foreign law by those peaceful methods to which her Majesty’s Government have endeavoured to confine themselves ;; and those who settle in the midst of such a nation have no right to expect that the

country which they, have left should undertake the burden of removing those inconveniences and dangers to which they have voluntarily exposed themselves. But all this would be involved in what the Legislative Council incorrectly call “reestablishing the authority of the Law.”. .

The imperial Government cau acknowledge no such indefinite obligation. - J quite admit, however, that it will be for the colonists themselves to consider to what extent, with such assistance as her Majesty’s forces may supply, it would, in the words of the House of Representatives, be prudent or humane “ to attempt

. . . to establish and maintain her Majesty’s authority in the whole of those districts, in which the native race predominates.” If the Imperial Government has never been able to exact more than a “ nominal allegiance,” it would be plainly unreasonable to insist upon more from the efforts of the colonists, when depending to a great degree upon their own resources.

Thus much on the allegations of the Council and House of Representatives. I have now to inform you that I have laid before the Queen the addresses of the Legislative Council and House of Representatives. Her Majesty was pleased to receive them very graciously, but lias not commanded me to recall the decision communicated to you in my despatch of the 26th of May, with respect to the administration of native affairs.

But before I conclude this despatch, I owe it to you to define, as far as I can, the difficult position inSwhich the course of events has placed you. 'i he colonists having consistently claim-ed-from the Home Government, by the different methods in which it was possible to make such a claim, that it should cease to manage native affairs, and (what is still more important) having refused to render that management possible, which under responsible government was at any rate most difficult, the Home Government has resigned that function. This relinquishment does not require the assent of the colonists to make it effectual. It is completed by the Act of the Home Government, which (in conformity with requests which it is now too late to recall) no louger requires of you to take personal charge of the Native Secretary’s department- If you resume or retain the personal control of that department it will not be in obedience to instructions from home, but either at the request of the responsible ministers, or under some pressing necessity occasioned by their action or inaction, and for the consequences of which, therefore, the Home Government are not responsible. Your constitutional position witli regard to your advisers will (as desired by your late Ministry) be the same in regard to native as to ordinary colonial affairs ; that is to say, you will be generally bound to give effect to the policy which they recommend for your adoption, ancl for which, therefore, they will be responsible. I say, generally, because there remain several contingencies in which it would be your duty to act upon your own judgement in opposition to theirs

You would be bound to ■ exercise the negative powers which you possess, by preventing any.step which invaded Imperial lights, or was at variince with the pledges on the faith of which her Majesty’s Government acquired the Sovereignty of New Zealand, or in any other way marked by evident injustice towards her Majesty’s subjects of the native race.

In the interests of the colonists themselves you might find yourself bound, under conceivable circumstances, to appeal from your Government to the General Assembly, and from the General Assembly to the constituents, in case the policy recommended for your acceptance appeared to you clearly disastrous. You would be bound to judge for yourself as to the justice and propriety of employing, and the best mode of employing her Majesty’s forces. In this matter you might of course fortify yourself by taking the opinions of your Ministers, but the responsibility would rest with yourself and the officer in command.

Lastly, the fact that the safety of the colonists depends for the present on a force of the Queen’s troops, maintained at the expense of Great Britain, gives this country a right to require from the colonists that their native policy, on which the continuance of peace or l’enewal of wav depends, should be just-, prudent and liberal. It is plain that th.i willingness of Great Britain to continue this assistance, will be most materially affected by the disposition of the colonists to adopt such measures as in your judgment are calculated to remove immediate difficulties, and to place the future relations of the races on a sound basis. I trust that these considerations will give you that weight in the administra tion of the colony which, even independently of them, would be due to your sagacity, resolution and experience. In sending you to New Zealand, her Majesty’s Government Conceive that they have placed at the command of the colonists the services of the person most competent as an adviser to guide their councils, and as an administrator to carry into execution the result of your joint deliberations. Tne rest will now.depend on themselves,and 1 trust that by availing themselves freely of your advice, they will be able to place the government of the Maories on a footing which will render the duty of providing for their own internal defence less onerous than they at present anticipate. I have, &c., (Sighed) Newcastle.

[The above despatch must have reached the Governor in or about April last, hut was not made public. The printing'of it was, however, ordered by the House of Commons on April 20th, and copies of it thus reached In ew Zealand by last mail.] .

MR. CROSBIE WARD'S PAMPHLET ON NEW ZEALAND, [From the Canterbury press. ]

The pamphlet is in the form of a letter addressed to Lord Lyttelton, and the subject is announced in the first sentence to be the “ dispute pending' between the Colonial Office and the Government of New Zealand, relative to the expences of the late Maori war.” The pamphlet is divided into chapters, which we shall treat of in order.

The first is, “ the case against the Colony ;” and this is accepted as fully stated in the darkest colours in the 'l imes newspaper of the 19th June last : “ The line of ’argument taken by the writer may be .summarised thus, — “ That the colonists are responsible for the origin of the native disturbances [in New Zealand.

“ That the hostilities which began in the year 1860, and in which a large force of British troops have been employed, were commenced for the purpose of obtaining land for the benefit of the colonists.

“ That the troops now quartered in the colony are maintained there for the protection of the settlers.

“ That the settlers, being protected by others, are unwilling to exert themselves in their own defence, but desire to throw the whole burden of military operations, conducted for their benefit, on the mother country.

“ That a state of war is encouraged by the colonists for the sake of the expenditure from, the Imperial Treasury which attends it. “ That so long as Great Britain at its sole expense supplies the colony with troops the same causes will be in operation and similar effects produced, in the constant outbreak of little wars, to he carried on at the expence of the British taxpayers. “ That with such an association of facts before it, it is the duty of the Imperial Government, in justice both to icself and the colony, to remove its troops' as quickly as possible.” The next chapter treats of the “ Technical responsibility for Native Government—Theory of Separate Administration.”

This chapter contains the clearest and ablest narrative of the whole history of Native and Responsible Government which we have yet seen. Mr. Ward points out that—

“ During a period of more than 18 months after the coming into operation of the New Zealand constitution —a period of the greatest importance in the political history of the colony—her Majesty’s Government left vacant the office of Governor of the colony. The administration of all affairs, both European and Maori, was conducted by the senior military officer and the permanent officials of the old regime. : The colonists asked for the concession of ministerial responsibility for the management of their own affairs ; but this concession Colonel Wynyard found himself without power to make. “ From the first session of the General Assembly, in 1856, which followed the arrival of Governor Gore Browne in 1855, dates the establishment of complete local self-government by the colonists, three years after the passing of the Constitution act. The Crown officials were then replaced by gentlemen possessing the confidence of the legislature. From this time began the practical application deduciMe fi-om the Constitution act—the division of the Government into two branches, one for the administration of European, the other of Maori affairs.”

Mr. Ward then shows that Governor Browne was not restricted in the terms on which: he was authorised to grant responsible government to the colony ; on the contrary, that Sir G. Grey, the Secretary of State, distinctly disclaimed any conditions whatever except that of providing for the. outgoing officials. “ Governor Browne was therefore not compelled to make any exception when entrusting the administration of the. co lony to his advisers. But he did make an exception.” 'I he plan of double government was therefore the invention of Governor Browne, accepted by Mr Sewell and Mr. Whittaker, when they signed the well known minute of 15th April 1856, and “ finally accepted by both houses, though not willingly or hopefully.”

It is needless to add that the separate government of the. natives by the Crown, proposed by the Governor was ratified by the Home Government.

“ The three parties, therefore—the Secretary of State, the Governor, and the colonists—agreed to the control of native affairs beiiig reserved by the Imperial Government, because that Government held itself responsible for ilie provision and maintenance of a warlike force, should as was always possible, the conduct of the natives require the exhibition of force. I am bound to express my conviction, one in which a great number if not all of the colonists have agreed, both before and siuce the war, that this reservation was a most unfoi tunate act, highly injurious to all the three parties to it. The action of the Colonial Ministry has been all along a standing protest against its adoption and continuance.”

The next page we quote in full : “ At this time, also the office of Native Secretary was combined with' that of Chief Commissioner for the Purchase of Native Lands, and the two departments were moi’e or less amalgamated This combination was made by His Excellency, owing to the high qualities of Mr. Me Lean, who previously held the latter office only ; but it is certain that it resulted injuriously to the cause of law and order among the Maori race, by presenting the Crown to them chiefly as a bargainer for their land. That Governor Browne took every* step

with deliberate reference to the rule which he had laid down, is quite; evident from the facts. He had fortified himself with the opinions; of a large number of clergymen and othei*s, long resident among the Maories, to .the effect that it was not safe to trust the government of. the race to a changing and indifferent body of men. Indeed,' all through the negotiations with the Legislature, as Vv ell asin tire practical administration of affairs, he exhibited a firmness, of purpose, a careful adherence to his plan, and a consistent reliance, in native ; affairs, on his own opinion and on that of his chosen advisers in preference to that of his responsible Ministers,, which contrasts remarkably with his ; complete acceptance of a constitutional position in all matters relating to the colonists.: . That Governor Browne planned and carried out most exactly, for several years, this'most difficult system of the double government, ought to be complete i refutation of the assertion which has been made, that after all, in the. serious matter of going to war, he weakly departed from his principles, and yielded to, the solicitations of interested colonists. He listened to the advice of his Executive Council, as he was bound to do, but never deferred .to it in Native matters. Here he held himself alone responsible, and never sought to throw that responsibility on any other person. He had the firmness which springs from a' clear perception of duty,” This is exceedingly well put,; doing justice to the excellence of the Governor’s character and motives, whilst tracing step by step the consequences of his policy. Mi*. Ward concludes this part by instancing how to the vei*y last Governor Browne persisted in this theory of double Government.

Having disposed of the question of how and by whom the Natives have been technically governed, the writer proceeds in e the next shapter to notice. “The practice of administration in Native affairs,” ,in which he points out that the Governor and his Ministers differed in the most important points of Native policy. After that, there was no jealousy or niggardliness on the part of the Assembly in voting all the sums required by the Government for Native purposes, he notices that in 1856, the Governor estimated the Native contribution to the reveuue at, .£51,000 a year whilst the Colonial Treasurer estimated it at 17,000. He recalls the difference between the Governor and his: Ministers on the “ Territorial Lands Act,” which was passed by the Houses on the motion of the Ministry, and disallowed by the Crown at the instance of :the Governor. And, again, he records the difference of policy on the King Moven ent. “This movement was regarded by the Colonial Ministry of the time as indicating a desire for law and order ; that is for a stronger government than then ruled those tribes. The Governor’s special adviser in Native affairs, on the other; lmml, con-, sidered the movement to be merely one of ti’ifling local and fevanesceut'consequence, originating in the ambition and, i*estlessness of the young men who desired to rival the older chiefs. The Resident Magistrate at the head-quarters of the movement, Mi*. Fenton, held the first opinion, and was energetic in his attempt to guide what lie thought a, movement in favour of. law and order to a safe and legitimate result, by bringing English Government within reach of the Natives in a shape adapted to their customs. In these efforts he Avas supported by. the Ministry, who tendered tlieir advice to his Excellency accordingly. The Governor however true to his rule, did not suffer himself to be guided ,by this advice, even though he might at first approve of it. He sought counsel from the heads of the Native de- v partnient, whom he was justified in assuming to have a more exact knowledge of the history, and *a more intimate understanding of the designs of the Maori '.people. He acted upon the opinion entertained by these gentlemen, that Mr. Fenton’s policy was alienating the old chiefs, in whom confidence ought to be placed; that to treat the movement as important was to make it so ; and that to neglect it was the only safe treatment. Mr. Fenton was therefore Recalled from the Waikato : the work that lie had be- : gun was undone, and the King Movement was left to itself. It is of. no importance for the present argument whether the colonhil policy were light or wrong ; possibly neither may have been the right one. Rut every one must confess that no more important question than this could have been presented for solution to those holding the reins of government, even though peace had never afterwards been broken ; and that the positive rejection of the advice tendered on the part of the colony on this occasion 1 and the deliberate undoing of work of which the Ministry approved, remove from the latter any soft of responsibility for whatever consequences may be traceable to the progress of the King Movement.” And he winds up the case as follows:

“It must now be conceded that both in the theory of Native government and in the administrations of its functions, as well legislative as executive, the Imperial Government has rigidly reserved from the colony, and to itself all real power.”

Then comes the chapter on the “ moral responsibility for the war.” Mr. Ward repudiates in a manly way the idea that the Colonists would desire to evade a moral responsibi ity upon - technical grounds. But he says well—“ The common notion that the colonists are answerable because the affair happened in the colony cannot be sustained.” Mr. Ward then .gives a clear history of the Taranaki and Waitara case, without going into the question of the validity of the title ; and shews, we think clearly enough, that the policy was the Governor’s and that the Ministers wore only «sseut-

ing parties after the event. No doubt at last the Ministers' consented to the war, Mr. Richmond as much as any man ; but we have often pointed out that it is not fair, to hold him responsible for a policy into which he was gradually inveigled, as it were, and for the elementary steps of which he was not responsible. The roots of the Waitara question and the war lie in Fenton’s expedition to Waikato long before. And in our opinion it was a great pity that Mr. Richmond did not resign the moment his advice on that important subject was rejected. His resignation at that time would have effectually checked the Governor’s career. Governor Brown, by keeping Native matters in his own handsatfhvst, virtually deprived the colony of the services of its greatest statesman at the time of its utmost need, and ended by forcing him into a position of acquiescence with a conclusion which he did not help to form, and which it was too late to prevent. ’ Me. Ward concludes this chapter thus.: “ Summing up the. results obtained, ; I assert :

First, that the Colonists are not technically responsible for the war and its consequences.

• 1. Because the Imperial Government reserved to itself the management of Native affairs.

■ 2. Because the Governor strictly carried into practice the exclusion of the Colonists from the control of the Native race.

3. Because the war was commenced by the Governor in Person on behalf of the imperial Government ; and the only share in it taken by the Colonial Government was one of loyal and subsequent co-oper-ation.

Secondly, That the Colonists are not morally responsible for the war and its consequences.

1. Because their plans for the better government of the Natives were rejected. 2. Because they in no way provoked the war, or induced a breach of the peace leading to it.

3. Becausejthey brought no pressure to bear upon the Governor in the matter. 5. Because‘the war.was not begun for' their sole or special benefit.” To . the chapter upon “ Future Prospects ”we take very wide exception. In that Mr. Ward reiterates the mischievous cry that the colonists cannot govern the colony. “ They could not exhibit to the Natives the other equally necessary side of government, the strong arm of the law, the power to restrain as well as to encourage, to punish as well as to reward. For a generation yet to come there will be no means in the colony adequate to such a purpose. A policy upheld by no force, and a force which upholds no tme policy, are equally impotent for the redemption of the savage. Justice there, as elsewhere needs the sword as well as the balance. Against turbulence, anarchy, or overt rebellion within the Maori border, the Government would be helpless. A timid, temporizing cajoling and procrastinating policy must be employed in any such crisis. Could it succeed in preserving, elevating, and civilizing the race? Cer- * tainly not.” All this is a dream, and a cowardly dream. It is a passage which any Englishman ought to be utterly ashamed to have penned : but if Mr. Ward is expressing to England the mind of a colony we admit he has expressed it rightly. Governor Brown' has left the colony utterly panic stricken, A style, of language has become habitual as to the helplessness of the settlers which it is painful and 'humiliating to listen to. We hold that 150,000 English can execute the law over 50,000 Maoris, of whom one-third are friendly, and that without any aid in troops; or money, or anything else, from any one. But the Assembly dul not think so, and therefore we cannot blame Mr. Ward for not saying so. The whole of the later part of the pamphlet is intended to that the Home Government out to lteep a sufficient force in the colony. We on our part think there is not the slightest hope of good government until every soldier is sent away : and that for one reason ; because a house divided against itself cannot stand ; and until the army in the colony is entirely under the command of the local Govern merit, so long as the civil power is under one rule and the military under another, there can be no safety, faiul no speedy solution of our difficulties.—- -Press

AMERICA. The Federal press overflows with denunciations Of the English Government and people, and with taunts at the “gross ingratitude ” of a nation which has been rescued from starvation by American charity. One of the most violent of these declaimers is the Hon. Robert J. Walker who once held the position of Secretary of the Treasury, and aspires to hold it again, should Mr. Chase by any chance be elected President in succession to Mr. Lincoln. This gentleman expresses himself as follows iii the Continental Monthly , of which he is editor

“ England is now building, '"n the cause of slavery and for the South, a great fleet of iron-clad pirate vessels, which are intended to prey on bur commerce. How long will it be before retaliation ou England begins, and when it begins how will it end? Ay —how will it end? It is not to be supposed that we can long be blinded by such a flimsy humbug as a transfer to Southern possessions of these vessels ‘ for the Chinese trade ! ’ Are the English mad, demented, or besotted that they suppose we intend to endure sucli deliberate aid of our enemies ? When those vessels, ‘ for tlie Chinese,’ are afloat and our merchants begin to suffer, let EnglantV beware! Weave not a people

to; stop and reason nicely on legal point, when they are enforced in the form of fire and death. Better for England that she weighed the iron of that fleet pound for pound with gold, and cast it into the sea, than that she suffered it to be launched. Qui facit per alium, facit per se. England is the real criminal in this business, for her Government could have, prevented it ; and to her we shall look for. the responsibility. All through America a spirit of fierce indignation, has been awakened at hearing of this ‘ Chinese ’ fleet, which will burst out ere long in, a . storm. We are veiy far from being afraid of war : we are in it; we know what it is like—and those who openly brazenly, infamously, aid our enemies and make war for them shall also-learn, let it cost what it may. England hopes to cover the worlds ocean with pirates, with murder, rapine, and robbery—to exaggerate still more the horrors of war, and yet deems that her commerce will -escape ! This is a different matter from the affair of the Trent.” It never seems to strike- the minds of such men as -Mr. Walker, tlie sage and philosopher, who believes that New York is destined in twenty years to be the “ social, financial, commercial, and moral centre of the universe,” that the “real criminal,” if there be any criminality, in the mattery is the American Government which has abundant means to purchase scores of vessels as swift and as powerful : as the ‘ Alabama ’ and tlie ‘ Florida,’ and which rather than incur tlie expense sends out ancient tubs under Admiral Wilkes and others, that make their seven or eight knots an hour where the ‘ A labama’ and ‘ Florida ’• can make 16. For every ‘ Alabama ’ possessed by tlie Confederates the Federals, if they pleased might' have ’ 10, and the same impartial shipbuilders ; of tlie ‘ Clyde ’ and ‘ Mersey ’ who take the orders of the small customers would be still more delighted to enter into commercial relations with the 'great one, if. tlie Government, instead of instructing its friends ancl liimgers-on to abuse England, would only display half as. much common sense as it displays passion, and meet the Confederates on the sea with tlie same adaptation of means to ends as it employs on the land. If it confront brave armies with brave armies,, why not chase fast ships with ships that are still , faster I—Times.1 — Times.

Another Terrible and Fatah Accident to an Acrobat. A sad catastrophe occurred recently in Havannali at the Plaza Torres Bull Ring. Mr.Fariui, the celebrated tightrope walker, advertised that lie would cany his .wife across the rope stretched from one-side of the ring to the other, at a height of about 60 feet upon liis back—a feat he had performed . in other places. He started with the lady upon his back, and had nearly finished his journey across, witliin about four feet., when the. audience applauded the daring act, it seemingly being completed, and the lady in the acknowledgment of tlm applause, loosened her hold upon her husbands neck and waved her hands, and, on tlie instant of doing so. lost her balance and fell. Her linsband caught her by the skirt of her dress, but it gave way, and she went down crashing upon the seats that ascend from the curve of the ring to the top of tlie enclosure. She lingered from Sunday until Thursday morning, when death put an end to her sufferings. ' The wealthiest ladies of' Havannah we.te at her bedside and soothed her dying moments. She was embalmed and placed in one of the niches of the buryiug-gi ound. It is said that from 10,000 to 20,000 dollars will be raised by subscription for hex child.