Behind the Scenes.

Waipawa Mail, Volume XLIX, Issue 149, 7 September 1928, Page 2 (Supplement)

Behind the Scenes.

POLITICIANS AND THE WAR. Churchill and Fisher. (By SIB W. ARBUTHNOT LANE.) QINCE the war ended ten years ago there have been so many books written by generals, admirals, statesmen and diplomats who saw something of what went on behind the scenes in one or more of the belligerent countries, that Lord Beaverbrook’s revelations in "Politicians and the War,” which has just bEen published, arc somewhat belated. He deals almost exclusively with the parts played by leading British politicians, and the scope of his book is restricted to the first sixteen months of the war, which cover the downfall in May 1915, of the Liberal Government which, under Mr Asquith was in office when the war broke out, and brings the reader to the verge of the overthrow of Mr Asquith's Coalition Government, which in December, 1916, made way for another Coalition Government under Mr Lloyd George as Prime Minister. But Lord Beaverbrook promises in the opening stage of his book to write two more volumes—one of which will continue his narrative to the end of the war, and the other will deal with political events in Great Britain during the post war period. William Maxwell Aitken, who was created Lord Beaverbrook in 1916, is a Canadian by birth, and a son of the Manse. He entered the world of finance in Canada, and at the age of 30 was instrumental in bringing about the amalgamation of Canadian companies engaged in the manufacture of cement.

By this single deal ho made a substantial fortune out of nothing, and went to England in 1910, where within a few wEeks of his arrival he successfully contested the electorate of Ashton-under-Lyne as a Conservative. He became a close friend of the late Mr Bonar Law, the leader of the Conservative party, who like himself was a Canadian and a son of the Manse.

During the early part of the war Sir Max Aitken (he was knighted in 1911) was attached to the headquarters staff of the Canadian army in France, and subsequently as Lord Beaverbrook he was Minister for Information in Mr Lloyd George’s Government. It was not until after the war was over that he took control of the Daily Express, and with the assistance of his friend the editor, Mr. R. D. Blumenfeld, transformed it from an unprofitable commercial concern to an extremely prosperous one. Early in his career as a member of the House of Commons he developed an aptitude for political intrigue. He was in the confidence of Mr Bonar Law, and to a lEsser degree in later years, he was in the confidence of Mr Lloyd George. In his book he quotes some confidential letters written by Mr Bonar Law and Mr Lloyd George during the war to other statesmen, which obviously were placed at his disposal by the writers. HB devotes considerable space to his contention that it was not (as has been generally supposed in England) the scandal arising from the shortage of shells for the British artillery in France in the early months of the war that brought down the Liberal Government in May, 1915: but the qnairfcl at the Admiralty between Mr Winston Churchill (First Lord of the Admiralty) and Admiral Lord Fisher (First Sea Lord) and he makes out a good case for his contention.

The most striking passage in Lord Beaverbrook ’s book deals w T ith Mr Winston Churchill immediately after Lord Fisher’s resignation and before the collapse of the Liberal Government. It was only with the greatest reluctance that Lord Fisher as First Sea Lord of the Admiralty, had provided the war ships for Mr Churchill’s plan for a naval attack on the forts of the Dardanelles. Lord Fisher’s own plan for dealing the enemy a staggering blow was to land a large force on the Baltic coast behind the German lines, and within a hundred miles or so of Berlin. Russia was to supply the troops, and the British war ships were to cover the landing operations and protect the sea lines of communication of thg invading force. It was impossible to carry out this scheme and the Dardanelles operation, because there was not a sufficient number of British ships availably for both. When Mr Churchill persisted with the Dardanelles scheme, Lord Fisher refused to accept further responsibility for it, and resigned. The Conservative Opposition in Parliament hated and distrusted Mr Churchill, and regarded the presence of a strong man like Lord Fisher at the Admiralty as an absolute necessity to check Mr Churchill’s reckless temperament. When Lord Fisher resigned they threatened to debate the matter in Parliament unless Mr Asquith formed a Coalition Government and removed Mr Churchill from the Admiralty. A debate of the kind would have encouraged the enemy, and would have upset the delicate negotiations with Italy, whom the Allies were pndeavouring to persuade to declare war on Austria. A debate on the shell shortage would have had the same effects. But Mr Churchill believed when Lord Fisher resigned that the way was clear for him to carry out his naval schemes. He went down to the’ House of Commons on Monday, 17th May, 1915, to announce the appointment of a new Admiralty Board to replace that over which Lord Fisher had presided. Behind the Speaker’s chair th§ news was broken to him that the Ministry was to be reconstructed, and that the announcement concerning a new board at the Admiralty must be postponed. “What days that Monday and Tuesday must have been for Churchill!” writes Lord Beaverbrook. “Has any man ever gone through such a hail of incidents, such rapid alternations of hope and despair, such a succession of good news and bad news, in the course of two days? Consider the direction that events took. He camß down to the Commons on Monday full of confidence. Lord Fisher had been removed from his path—to all appearance without any evil consequence. Henceforward he would be sol* master of the Admiralty. The list of his new board was in his and had been approved by the Prime Minister. None of the

-' , n , or naval officers showed any disposition to refuse promotions and appo’ntments on account of Fisher’s mutiny. Assured of Mr Asquith’s support, he did not believe that the Opposition could do anything effective against him; nor did he anticipate any great storm in the Commons—whose members were now waiting for him as an audience attend the rising of the curtain, and thS entrance of the principal actor.” “Suddenly he is told that the new list must not be announced. Mr Asquith and Mr Lloyd George together inform him of one crushing piece of news after another. A coalition is about to be formed; the inevitable imnlieation is that one of the conditions of the compact is his departure • 0... the Admiralty. Thus all the bright hopes of the morning are rudely dissipated.”

“Later his two principal colleagues come forward with a new proposal. The suggestion of the Colonial Office was put forward by the Prime Minister in the presence of the Chancellor of the Exchequer. Mr Lloyd George brought his imagination into play. What had been lost on the sea might be regained on the land. A Colonial Secretary with Mr Churchill’s military talents might marshal the hosts of the races of Africa and the Dependencies and rush them to the assistance of the Empire. While this offer was being made—in fact, it was accopted—the conclave was suddenly interrupted by an urgent message from Mr. Churchill’s own office.

The gist of it was, “Please come to the Admiralty at once—important news.” Mr Churchill left immediately, and received the. startling information that the German High -Sea Fleet was coming out, apparently intending battle. Instantly all thoughts of other matters such as Ministerial employments must hav'e vanished from Mr Churchill’s vision. Hero 1 the great battle of the North Sea would be the vindication of his naval policy—a triumph such as few lifetimes afford any man. Instead of the bald announcement that Mr Churchill was not longer First Lord of the Admiralty, that his successor had freon chosen, there would bo a tense scene in the House of Commons, in which white-faced members listened in strained attention while Mr Churchill announced the greatest victory which the British Navy had ever attained bcforj* or since Trafalgar. Would a First Lord who had played Barham to the new Nelson bo allowed to go into retirement? And if ho did go, ho would have

the Admiralty in a manner which would make his exit an imperishable event in British history.”

‘Such at least would have been the reflections of an ordinary man in Mr Churchill’s position. But as confidence on that eventful Monday had bSon replaced by despair—so depression was now succeeded by the growing light of an immense hope. All that afternoon and evening he was rushing towards the probable scene of action, every battleship battle cruiser or torpedo boat that he could lay hands upon." He had no First Rea Lord at the time, and was acting as the head of the Admiralty. He sent messages to the Harwich force and to the flotillas, and to the submarine and destroyer flotillas; at Dover and Yarmouth. He ordered them to proceed to the probable scene of action. He held back nothing. If only the Germans would come on! So Monday evening lengthened with hope. Mr Churchill slept a little, and rose at 7 a.m. on Tuesday to learn that the Germans seemed to bo receding towards their base. By 9 a.m. it was clear that all was over—and the Germany High Sea Fleet beyond our reach.”

There was an end of the matter. The offer to Churchill of the Colonial Office was afterwards withdrawn owing to strong Tory protests and weak Liberal support, and the failure of the new Trafalgar to eventuate relegated him to the unimportant Ministerial post of Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster.’’ I.a . . .... -