PEACE CONGRESS

Waipawa Mail, Volume XXXVII, Issue 8178, 3 May 1919, Page 3

PEACE CONGRESS

NEW ZEALAND DELEGATION. DISPOSAL OF GERMAN COLONIES. MANDATORY CONTROL. (From A. J. Riley, Official Journalist). PARIS, February 9. In the course of the protracted conversations before the Council of the Powers, Mr Massey assured President Wilson that he would speak in no spirit of opposition to the principle of the League of Nations, but the nearest precedents of history had all ended in failure. So he hoped that the Congress now sitting would not end in the same way, but would bring us nearer to the period of universal peace for which so many people were anxiously looking'. As far as danger from enemy invasion was concerned, Australia and New Zealand were “in tlie same boat.” The weakness of

one was the weakness of both. Samoa was of vital importance to New Zealand. It was situated on the main trade route from the South Pacific to Europe through the Panama Canal. If, by any chance, Samoa were in enemy hands New Zealand would be strangled. He hoped that he would be able to induce President Wilson to see the question from New Zealand’s standpoint. One of the main reasons put forward in support of the mandatory system was that it would benefit the inhabitants of the territories formerly in the possession of Germany. He could claim with confidence that New Zealand had already done in this respect as well as—or better than—any mandator}’ Power was likely to do. New’ Zealand not only included tlie two islands generally .attributed to her, but she also controlled the Cook Archipelago, which had been as-

signed to the Dominion about twenty years ago. The experiments made by New Zealand in administering this territory had been successful. Schools had been instituted in tlie larger islands; agricultural experts had been sent from New Zealand to train the populations in raising tropical products. The natives bad become more industrious and the islands consequently much more productive. A hospital had been established at Raratonga, which was the headquarters of the New’ Zealand Resident Commissioner and his staff. The same treatment had been applied to the natives there as since the treaty of Waitangi had been applied to the natives of New Zealand proper. The Maoris of New Zealand u’ere liked and respected by the Europeans and every trade and profession in the Dominion w’as open to theifi. One of his colleagues in the Government was Dr. Pomare, a member of tlie native race. On account of the great knowledge of the Polynesian races possessed by him it had been suggested that he should come to the Peace Conference to make any necessary explanations and, but for the expense of sending an additional Minister from New Zealand, he thought that Dr. Pomare would have been a very useful delegate. . When Samoa was taken over at the beginning of the war the same policy of improvement was continued there. The Maoris, Cook Islanders and Samoans were of tlie same race and spoke dialects of the same language. Ilf any change in control were to be made the inhabitants of Samoa would

be intensely dissatisfied. He asked the Council to compare the treatment accorded to these natives with the treatment of African natives by the Germans.

The difference between the mandatory principle and that, instituted by New Zealand was similar to the difference between leasehold and freehold tenure. No individual would put the same energy into a leasehold of unimproved country as into a freehold. It was the same with Governments. They must have security of tenure to encourage them to develop the territories under their control.

The necessity for .development had also been urged as a reason for man-, datory control. He (Mr Massey) agreed it was necessary to increase production, but in such cases special financial arrangements would have to be made. He saw serious difficulties ahead for the mandatory power in financing the territories to be placed under their control. The only security in such cases would be the territory held in trusty and he doubted if money could be raised under such conditions except at a ruinous rate of interest. He instanced New Guinea, which in tlie future would require opening up by railways and roads and where the mandatory power would probably be Australia. On the credit of a Government like the Common wealth loans could be raised for the development

of New Guinea which, before it could support a civilised population would require docks, public buildings, telegraphs and a number of other utilities.

Tlie new territory itself, until developed, would not afford sufficient security for loans. For those purposes this process could not be as successfully set in motion by a mandatory power as by a. strong state to which the territory was annexed. Though it might not be the time to discuss what should be done w;ith the German Empire, he felt that Germany

was an outlaw among nations, and should be treated as such. It had forfeited its right to exist as a great Power. Unless broken up now it would become a danger again, and future generations should be safeguarded against its pernicious activi-

Unless these territories were annexed to some strong State the Germans would certainly attempt to

get them back. All knew what German intrigue and peaceful penetration meant. It had been experieened even at the Antipodes.

He drew attention to the fact that the phrase “division of spoils” had been used as a quotation bv a member of the Council. He pointed out that the phrase would not apply to New Zealand. Her financial burdens incurred during this war were very heavy. At a time when New Zealand was not half developed it had been called upon to send large numbers of soldiers immense distances to take their part in the defence of the Empire and of civilisation. It had done so willingly, and not only lost a valuable portion of its population—for which not all the money in Germany would pay —but had also incurred 100 millions of debt. There was little prospect of any recoupment of such losses. The financial value of Samoa was a mere trifle in comparison. He appealed to the President of the United States to look at the whole question from the New Zealand point of view. He would ask him to re’eall the period immediately after the American War of Independence. What would Washington and Hamilton and the others associated with them have done or said had it been suggested that a mandatory power, or even the colonists themselves as mandatories of a League of Nations, should be given charge of the vast territories in North

America not at that time occupied. There was little doubt that the American colonists would have scouted any such suggestion, and rightly so, for had anything of the sort taken place, the United States could not possibly have grown into one of the greatest Powers of the world, as it was to-day. New Zealand desired to protect the future citizens of the South Pacific from the possibilities of having in the future some turbulent and ambitious Power in that part of the

world.