Tuapeka Times. AND GOLDFIELDS REPORTER AND ADVERTISER. WEDNESDAY, JANUARY 20, 1886. "measures, not men."

Tuapeka Times, Volume XVIII, Issue 1215, 20 January 1886, Page 2

Tuapeka Times. AND GOLDFIELDS REPORTER AND ADVERTISER. WEDNESDAY, JANUARY 20, 1886. "measures, not men."

Last session of Parliament the question of Federation acquired some prominence, as tbe result of a motion by Mr Stout, to the effect that it was inadvisable for New Zealand to join in the Federal Council of Australasia under tbe existing Federal Council A.ct. Colonial, or at any rate, Australasian Federation we have already dealt with ; but the wider question of federation of the English-speaking people, brought forward by Mr Macandrew, is the subject, par excellence, which is engaging the attention of the leading English statesmen of the day. While not going so far as the sanguine dream of MrMacandrew, most thinkers who have given the question any serious thought are fully persuaded that the binding together of all the dissevered parts of the British Empire in one closely-knit confederation would place us in such a position, both commercial and strategic, as no nation ever previously occupied. Of course the incorporation of the United States of America in the union would make the compact still more formidable — invulnerable in itself and irresistible in aggression. Among the speeches delivered during the late elections in England it is a striking sign of the times to note how many and how frequent are the allusions to Imperial Federation, and with what warmth of advocacy the great question has been taken up. Mr Macandrew, in the course of his speech, gives the following quotation from Mr Freeman, which concisely formulates the central idea of federation : — "Two requisites seem necessary to constitute a Federal G-o-vernment in this its most perfect form. On tbe one hand each of the members of the union must be wholly independent in those matters which concern each member only ; on the other hand, all must be subject to a common power in those matters which concern the whole body of the members collectively. Thus each member will fix for itself the laws of its criminal jurisprudence, and even the details of its political constitution ; but in all matters that concern the general body the sovereignty of the several members will cease." According to Mr Macandrew, the English-speaking people number somewhere about a hundred millions, the population of Russia is about eighty-four millions, and all Europe one hundred and ninety-three millions. But in estimating the power of the English people, there are other things besides numerical strength to be considered. Their political occupation of the earth's surface gives them a tremendous preponderance of power ; for almost every vantage point from which to control the navigation of the high seas is in their possession. The land surface actually held beneath the British flag is enormously large in proportion to the area of other states. The area of British India alone is pretty near half that of tbe whole of Europe taken together; while the area of the British possessions equals half that of Europe, Asiatic Russia, China, and Brazil combined. Add to this the American Republic with its more than two thousand millions of acres, and it will at once be seen what a large proportion of the earth's surface is held by the descendants of the Anglo-Saxons. The material wealth of England and America is estimated to equal about half that of the rest of the world. In these times money is power, so that a federated English people would be invincible. The bulk of the world's commerce, too, is in the same hands. Every factor of national greatness, in fact, lies all potent beneath the folds of the Grand Old Flag. But the federation of the Empire must of necessity be a slow movement, and one from within. No hastily conceived paper federation can cement the scattered dominions of England in one grand confederated Empire. Step by step the movement must proceed ; first let the Colonies combine for defensive and commercial purposes, and in good time tbe Imperial Government would be constrained to enter into the same compact. Already the question of naval defence for the Colonies is engaging tbe attention of the authorities at Home, and should squadrons of the British fleet guard all her outposts, then the initial step in Imperial Federation would be taken. But another step would lead to free : trade among the British Colonies and possessions, while close protective duties could be imposed upon foreign goods. The possessions of England lie beneath every clime, from the equator to the polar regions, so that we are altogether independent of the rest of the world for every necessary product. These are but a few of the considerations which English statesmen view as among the possibilities of Imperial Federation, and which foreign

statesmen view with unfeigned alarm* Such a grand confederation would be all-powerful, irresistible alike in peace or in war. , Such a confederation might dictate to the rest df the %orld, and hold in its grasp the balance of power. But the greater conj^Slration, so ably advocated by Mf l^Facandrew, would virtually be the arbiter of the world, whose dictum would determine the fates of nations. The grand conception is as yet but a mere vision ; still its realization is possible, and quite within the lines of practical politics. If ever that day when civilized men no longer shall be shocked by the horrid spectacle of war dawn over the world, the abrogation of war must rest in the hands of the federated English people. No grander daydream flitted through the brain of statesmen than this, yet its consummation 18 well worth striving for, if the race is ever to attain a higher civilization than that whose foundation rests upon mere brute force.