“German Invasion” of England.

Star (Christchurch), Volume XLIV, Issue 145, 20 June 1931, Page 8

“German Invasion” of England.

A Weekly Review

By

Bystander.

POR THE FIRST TIME since the Great

War, German Ministers have been received in audience at Buckingham Palace by the King. Dr Bruning, the German Chancellor, and Dr Curtius, the German Foreign Minister, went to England with the object of laying before the British Government a full statement of the financial difficulties by which Germany is confronted and, if possible, arranging some modification of the reparation payments. The bare suggestion that the Young Plan might be thrown aside has caused a certain amount of anxiety in Britain, but it has aroused

a perfect storm of resentment in France. Eventually M. Briand seems to have restored public confidence in his policy by assuring the nation that the 1 V oung Plan is an international contract, and that “an agreement solemnly made could not be retracted, without the consent of France.” Meantime, the German envoys called upon the King, visited Chequers, and discussed the situation with Mr MacDonald and his colleagues. Their reception was cordial enough, and on their departure they thanked the Government and the nation for a sympathetic and hospitable welcome. Some people were evidently alarmed at this renewed “ German invasion,” and Dr Edward Lyttelton delivered an address to the Norwich Diocesan Conference denouncing Germany as “ the danger to European peace.” He warned his fellow Churchmen that if Germany could not induce the other Powers to disarm, she would withdraw from the League of Nations and ally herself with Russia, and “ these two Powers could defy the world.” It seems a pity that this occasion for a friendly discussion of Germany’s needs and dangers should have been marred by this outburst of hostile feeling. However, there is no suggestion that Mr MacDonald or the Foreign Office indicated any intention of whittling down reparations or making any concession to Germany, and Dr Bruning and Dr Curtius went back home without accomplishing their purpose. Germany’s New Crisis.

But the German Nationalists and, for that matter, the German people, have by no means given up hope of securing some redress for their grievances. On the day on which the German envoys reached London, a manifesto was issued from Berlin appealing to the whole world to observe the sacrifices that Germany has made and the “ ruthless economies ” that she is practising to meet her obligations. Just now a vehement agitation has been stirred up in favour of the early convocation of the Reichstag to consider the new financial programme decreed by the President a few days ago. Since September last, the German political machine has been practically at a deadlock.

The sudden growth of the National Socialist or Hitlerite Group from 12 to 107 members at the last election practically made it impossible for the Bruning Government, which is largely composed of the Centre and the Social Democrats, to command a majority in the Reichstag. President Hindenburg therefore decided to exercise the power vested in him of governing by special ordinance during a national crisis, and the finances of the country have therefore been administered by “ emergency decrees.” The last decree issued by Hindenburg. reduced war pensions and imposed a heavier income tax all round; and the Nazis (National Socialists) have made political capital out of the situation by organising a strong opposition to the Bruning policy with the help of the Communists. The situation in Berlin is so critical that the President has given the Chancellor full powers to cope with any dangerous obstruction, and even to dissolve the Reichstag. The retirement of Dr Bruning—“ calm, cool, courteous, almost clerical in his suavity ” —would be a calamity to Germany just now, especially if, as the Hitlerites threaten, he may be replaced by that firebrand Dr Schacht, former President of the Reichsbank, who has always violently opposed the Young Plan and is now credited with aspiring to the Dictatorship. Probably Bruning, with Hindenburg behind him, will be able to stand his ground. But the main question at issue—the possibility of modifying the scale of reparation payments—depends not so much on the good will of England or even the prejudices of France as upon the willingness of the Americans to remit some substantial portion of the debts due to them from the principal European States. Changing Ireland. Last week it was reported that the Irish Free State Civil Guards had raided the headquarters of the “ Republicans ” in the Dublin mountains a few miles from the capital, and that they had found there a great store of ammunition and a large supply of automatics and rifles. This certainly suggests that the safety of the new Ireland has not yet been completely and 'finally assured against the political reactionaries. But the risk of any violent attempt to destroy the Free State or to disrupt its relations with Britain is lessening year by year. In the last number of the “ Irish Statesman ” its editor, Mr G. W. Russell—better known as A.E., one of the poets and seers who have clung to the ideal of freedom for Ireland throughout her darkest days—declared his conviction that “ the country has steadily grown in its acceptance of the Treaty,” and that the danger from any catastrophic eruption of Republicanism is now almost negligible. He maintains that the Irish people are no longer so susceptible as they have been in the past to the baneful charms of inflammatory rhetoric. “We have passed away,” he tells us, “ from our passionate selves, and are coming to our intellectual selves.” Ireland may not be absolutely safe from a revolutionary upheaval until a new generation arises. But in the meantime A.E.—and few are competent to speak with such- authority—believes not only that the Irish people are subsiding slowly into a condition of permanent stability and peace, but that “ a reasoned friendliness ” is replacing the traditional antagonism toward England, now that the age-long struggle for self-govern-ment has been decided definitely in Ireland’s favour. China’s Foreign Courts. Apparently the trouble over ex-terri-torial rights in China is not yet settled. When it was first intimated to the Chinese Government that Britain was prepared to agree to the abolition of the mixed courts and the withdrawal of the special legal and judicial privileges enjoyed* by foreigners, it was made perfectly clear that the change could not be affected till the condition of China gave foreign residents a reasonable prospect of safety and justice. Civil war has been raging in China practically ever since, and the anti-foreign feeling is, in most provinces, quite as pro- - nounced as ever. In spite of this the Chinese Foreign Minister has now issued a mandate declaring that all foreigners shall be subject to the jurisdiction of Chinese Courts from the beginning of October next. The British Minister, Sir Miles Lampson, has informed the Chinese Government that Britain will not relinquish exterritorial rights within a 50-mile radius of the four principal 44 treaty ports,” Shanghai, Hankow, Canton and Tientsin.

But Dr Wang, apparently with the support of Chiang Kai-shek, is proceeding With his preparations, and the materials are ready for a serious crisis in the Far East. At all events, Britain £oad reason to congratulate herself on having refused to recognise the absolute authority of the Nationalist Warty when it first installed itself in power.