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MR LLOYD GEORGE.

HIS THIRD ARTICLE. THE IRISH TREATY. The following article and all Mr Lloyd George’s subsequent articles are copyright by the United Press in America, and all countries. They arc copyright in Australasia by the Australian Press and the copyright in Britain is held by the “ Daily Chronicle." Reproduction in full or in part is prohibited. By Telegraph—Press Association—Copyright Australian and N.Z. Cable Association. LONDON. December 22. Mr Lloyd George’s third article is devoted to the Irish Treaty, and is notable chiefly for the pen-portraits of those figuring in Irish questions siuce Gladstone’s Home Rule Bilk nearly thirty years age. up io the time when members of the House of Commons were summoned to the House of Lords to hear the Royal assent to the Irish Constitution Bill.

TWO PICTURES. Mr Lloyd George says that two pictures flashed across his nund during the short procession to the House of Lords: firstly, Gladstone’s great speech when introducing his Home Rule Bill ; secondly, that of a dreary December night, just a year ago. when four British representatives and five Irish loaders sat at a tabic in the Cabinet room at Downing Street. In this simple council chamber, where Pitt’ * Act of Union and many other Irisn measures had been dismissed, now came the final Treaty of Peace. Would it he signed ? ANXIOUS MOMENTS. It was an anxious moment, charged I with the destiny of the two great j races who confronted each other. The | climax of the decision had been reach ed. Britain had gone to the limit cf j concession. No British statesman could j have faced any assembly of his conn i trymen bad he appended his signature j to a constitution placing Ireland outside the fraternity of free nations known as the British Empire, or free ing her from the bonds of union rej presented by a common fealty to the I Sovereign. Would the Irish leaders 1 have the courage to make peace on the only conditions attainable, namely, liberty within the Empire? THE IRISH LEADERS. “ Opposite me,” says Mr Lloyi George, “ sat Mr Griffith, the most unIrish leader that ever led Ireland; quiet to the point of gentleness; re served almost to the point of appearing saturnine; a man of laconic utterance, he answered in monosyllables where most men would have considered that an oratorical deliverance wardemanded by the dignity of the occasion. But we rouud that his * yea meant * yea,’ and his ‘ nay ’ meant nay.’ He was asked whether he would sign. In an abrupt, staccato manner he replied : ‘ Speaking on my own behalf, I mean to sign.’ By Mr Griffith’s side sat Michael Collins, oru of the most courageous leaders ever produced by a valiant race. Neverthe, less he hesitated painfully when the quiet, gentle little figure on his left had taken his resolve. Both eaw the shadow of doom clouding over the fatal paper. They knew that the pen uhkfi affixed their signature at the same moment signed their death warrant. The little man saw beyond his own fall an Ireland rising out of her troubles—a free nation. That sufficed him. Collins was not appalled by the spectre of death, hut had an Irishman’s fear of the charge of having succumbed to the alien will and betrayed his country. It was the first time Air Collins ever showed fear. It was also the last. I knew the reason why he halted, although he uttered no word revealing his mind. A FINAL APPEAL. “ I addressed my appeal to demonstrating how the 'treaty gave Ireland more than O'Connell and Parnell ever hoped for: that his country would be ever grateful to him, not only for th=j courage which won such an offer, but for the wisdom that accepted it. H-* asked for a few hours to consider, promising a. reply by nine o'clock. Nioj o’clock passed; ten and eleven; but the leaders did not return. We doubted whether we should see them again. Then came a message of their return to Downing Street. When they entered it was clear, from their faces, that they had come to a great decision after a prolonged struggle. There were, however, difficulties of detail *"» I bo overcome, but soon after one o'clock the Treaty was complete. ERSKINE CHILDERS. “ Outside, in the lobby, sat a man who had used all the resources of a well-trained mind, backed by a tenacious will, to wreck every endeavour to reach an agreement—Erskine Chil ders, a man whose kindly, refined, intellectual countenance, whose calm courteous demeanour, offered no clue tc the fierce passions which raged in his breast. At every critical point in the negotiations he played a sinister part. He was clearly de Valera’s emu sary. Every draft that emanate! from his pen (and all first drafts we.e written by him) challenged every fun da mental position to which the British delegates were irrevocably committed. He was incapable of compromise. Brave and resolute be undoubtedly was, but, unhappily for himself, he was also u rigid fanatic. When we left, the room, worn with tense, anxious labour, we met Childers outside, sullen with disappointment and compressed wrath at what lie conceived to be a surrender of the principles for which he ha 1 fought. PAYED WITH TRAGEDY. “ Poor Collins was shot by his own countrymen. Griffith died, worn out by anxiety and toil. Childers was shot at dawn for a rebellion against the liberties he had helped to win Truly the path of Trish freedom, rignt up to the goal, is paved with tragedy. But the bloodstained wilderness is

almost through, and the verdant plains of freedom stretch before the eyes of this tortured nation.”

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https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/TS19221223.2.81

Bibliographic details

Star (Christchurch), Issue 16923, 23 December 1922, Page 10

Word Count
942

MR LLOYD GEORGE. Star (Christchurch), Issue 16923, 23 December 1922, Page 10

MR LLOYD GEORGE. Star (Christchurch), Issue 16923, 23 December 1922, Page 10