The Star. TUESDAY, NOVEMBER, 1, 1921. THE CRUCIAL PERIOD.

Star (Christchurch), Issue 16570, 1 November 1921, Page 6

The Star. TUESDAY, NOVEMBER, 1, 1921. THE CRUCIAL PERIOD.

There is only one grain of comfort to !>e found when contemplating the Irish Conference, and it lies in tlio fact that the conference is still in existence. The position is undoubtedly precarious, and while it would be unwise to utterly abandon hope of peace it is impossible to ignore the facts. The truce which was agreed upon has become a truce in name only. Direct acts of violence are comparatively rare, but the respite is being utilised by the republicans to make preparations for warfare on a more extensive scale than ever. The Ulster Volunteers have reappeared, and have resumed drilling and training. Ireland is again becoming a powder magazine, and the spark that will cause the explosion may be released any moment. It is perhaps opportune that at this critical time tho Imperial I’arliament should be given an opportunity of expressing its opinion on the negotiations. The “ Diehards ” of the old Unionist Party, who opposed Home Rule just as they are opposing the offer of Dominion status, could not hnve hoped for victory when they brought forward their censure motion. Public opinion in Britain is overwhelmingly in favour of tho Government’s proposals, though it is just as strongly opposed to the granting of the Republicans’ demands. The country is convinced that tho Government has made a generous offer, and it hopes that the offer will be accepted in ft generous spirit. There is a firm conviction that both. Britain and Ireland desire to see the end of the orgy of fratricidal strife, and that if the statesmen and politicians cannot arrive at an agreement they should stand aside and let the voice of the people be heard. The Sinn Fein delegation has repeatedly affirmed its determination not to accept anything less than complete independence and x united Ireland. It asserts that this is the minimum which represents justice ; o Ireland, hut ignores the fundamental fact that it is less than justice to Britain. 'Hie partition of Ireland is also an accomplished fact, and there are evidences that the unit- which is insisted upon by tho Sinn Fein delegates does not come within the realm of practical politics. The Ulster Premier, Sir James Craig, recently affirmed that the Government of Ireland Act was accepted reluctantly by the people of Ulster as -.he final settlement of the difficulties confronting Britain. They had been making sacrifices so long that the loyalists of the six counties of Ulster had exhausted everything they had to give, and nothing more was left. The six counties would hang together. Under no circumstances would he, as lender, allow nnv tampering with the region included by Parliament under the Act. “We hnve all the powers we require.” Sir James Craig added, ‘'and we will never he severed from the United Kingdom or the Empire.” The vision of a united Ireland is frequently conjured up by the Republicans, who even promise effective autonomy to Ulster under the Republic. It is evident, however, that the British Parliament cannot and will not consent to Ulster being compelled to throw in her lot with Sinn Fein, which dominates Southern- Ireland. The people of the south mav recognise, if their leaders cannot, that civil war is an indifferent method of securing unity. Unity can only be nchieved when there is mutual confidence, founded on fair and square dealing. That is also the principle on which the Irish negotiations should proceed.