The Star. FRIDAY, JULY 21, 1916. EDITORIAL NOTES.

Star (Christchurch), Issue 11756, 21 July 1916, Page 4

The Star. FRIDAY, JULY 21, 1916. EDITORIAL NOTES.

RAILWAY PRIVILEGES. The discussion which took place in the House of Representatives last night regarding the issue of a concession ticket to Mr Ormond, of Napier, a son of the Hon J. D. Ormond, M.L.C., should, if it does nothing else, have the result of bringing about a muchHeeded amendment of the railway regulations. The regulations provide that on receipt of a certificate from a member of the Legislature asking that a Concession ticket, of course, at a largely reduced price, should be issued to his son or daughter, the Department shall forthwith issue such ticket, the officers of the Department having no discretionary power in the matter, since the clause in the regulations is mandatory. There is no age limit, and no matter whether the member's son or daughter is six or sixty the Department must Issue the ticket asked for. When the 'regulation was originally' drafted it was probably intended to apply solely to a member's family under the age of twenty-one years, as it is scarcely conceivable that those responsible for its adoption ever contemplated granting concessions of this kind to grown up men and women, irrespective of their position or age. Mr Herries, in his reply, showed clearly that as the regulation stands the Department had no option hut to issue the ticket, since the conditions had been complied with Now, however, that his attention ha* been drawn to the matter it is to br hoped that he will take immediate steps to have the regulation altered so as to conserve the interests of the people, who are the common owners of the railways, and thus prevent the granting of privileges to wealthy men and women who are in a position to pay their own travelling expenses. Mr Herries expressed the opinion that the concession was not intended to apply to Buch cases •as that - under notice—Mr Ormond is a wealthy gentleman on the wrong side, of fifty—and such being the Minister's opinion, his obvious duty is to take steps to prevent any repetition of the abuse. It was, he added, difficult to draw the line and to ley down conditions which were not open to abuse. Mr Herries wont on to express the candid opinion that he did not think Mr Ormond should have asked for the concession for his son, but possibly the adoption of a hard and fast rule might some time prevent a genuine application which ought to be granted. He concluded by saying that the matter must be left to the good taste of members. With his closing statement wq cannot concur, and as it is the duty of our members to see that all, rich and poor, are treated alike they should agitate until remedial measures are adopted. This is an abuse that clearly calls aloud for redress.

VENEREAL DISEASE. The foolish old habit of tabooing full and frse discussion of those complaints euphemistically described as "social diseases" will have to be reversed bofore the community can expect deliverance from ills which are liable to affect innocent people as well as those who recklessly expose themselves to contagion. Tho control and prevention of venereal disease is a subject inost vitally concerning everyone; it Is not a matter merely for confidential consideration by doctors or timorous debate by Parliament. People are beginning to realise this, and recent as to the unfortunate prevalence of syphilis and the milder form of disease among soldiers, some of whom contracted it abroad, give sharper point to the demand for a vigorous and unafraid crusade, preventive and educative, against a most terrible scourge. Members of Parliatoent, however, do not seem to have shaken themselves free from tho silly fashion which ordained that this problem should only be discussed in undertones for fear the women, might hear. The suggestion that the women attending Parliament on Wednesday evening should leave the Houso because it was "undesirable" that they should hear members speak on venereal disease was bo ridiculous an exhibition of prudery and burlesque delicacy that it is astonishing only one member had the intelligence and the courage to enter ft protest.

The women in the gallery of the House had no surprise sprung on ttiern Vhen thty were info'-med that this jubject was to be discussed. They Were there in virtue of their rights as electors, and they were quite prepareU to hear all that members had to say. {The prim young-ladyish attitude adopted by tho House, therefore, was in

no way necessary. The problem is one that concerns women equally with men, indeed in on o sense it more closely affects women, for the legislation contemplated aims at a more drastic control of women of the undosirablo class. On the question or control there aro many opinions, but i is a subject on which women aro entitled to every information and upon which women's opinions should bo heard. To expect women to pretend ignorance of all this, and to conduct debate in low shocked tones for foar tho "young person" should discover something she oughtn't to know, indicates a frame of mind that does not promise well for a bold effort to diminish a growing evil. Other diseases by no means fraught with such peril are met by preventive measures, special hospitals aro provided for sufferers, and the public aro warned against contact with those who may cenvey infection. If equally sensible methods were adopted in regard to verereal disease the country would be the cleaner. In this, ns in every ether aspect of hygiene, the first thing needful is education. There should bo no secrecy; the young especially should be warned of the dangers that lie before them; and the campaign should be conducted exactly as freely and openly as the war against tuberculosis or typhoid.

THE SUBMARINE WAR. Britain and her Allies ned not bo disturbed very seriously by the revival of the enemy's submarine " frightfulness." There i 3 a dark hint of some " important secret change" in the under-water campaign which will give Germany an advantage in her ruthless raiding, but the world has grown accustomed to mysterious threats of this kind. Germany is fertile in surprises, such as tho use of asphyxiating gas, but these methods have not so far assisted greatly towards winning the war. She fc further from victory than ever, and her submarine war has brought her no nearer the breaking of the blockade and has in no way prevented the V< from obtaining the supplies they need from overseas.

In the news of this renewal of attacks upon British shipping it is not difficult to read an indication of Germany's desperate straits. The effort to strke something like dismay into antagonists and neutrals alike and to persuade the world that Germany has something very terrible in reserve is not likely to be taken at its face value. It suggests rather that the strangle-hand upon the enemy by means of the blockade is being drawn tighter and that internal conditions in Germany and Austria compel some kind of forlorn hope designed to impress the people with the notion that the Allies are at the Kaiser's mercy on the seas. We may expect to hear of the destruction of a number of merchant ships, but even the huge new submarines of which so much is made by the enemy are likely to bo countered effectively by the British Navy. There is a hint that Germany may move in' other directions, and the invasion of Denmark is specifically mentioned in the anticipations of British critics. Even this crowning act of infamy, however, would place the enemy no nearer the command of the seas, without which ultimate success is impossible. Neutrals may suffer in the recrudescence of ruthlessness, but the only result will be to add to the list of Germany's non-sympathisers or open antagonists without the compensating satisfaction of breaking down the Allies' trade barrier. FRANCE AND BRITAIN. There was a time, now happily almost forgotten, when the greatest suspicion of the designs and ambitions of Britain was entertained by the French nation, but to-day the two peoples have been drawn so closely together that it is difficult to imagine any circumstances that could drive them into different hostile camps. And when wo take a retrospective glance at British and French history during the last thousand years we cannot feel surprised that in the minds of Frenchmen there became implanted a firm conviction that Britain was their natural enemy. In early times tlie sovereigns of England possessed territorial rights in France, just as- the later ones did in Uermany, and naturally this led to constant feuds. A casual glance at a book of English or French history would almost convinco the reader that the countries have been in a state of continual warfare since the dawn of civilisation. The estrangement between the two nations was greatly accentuated by the great Napoleon, who inspired Frenchmen to regard England and the English as all that was hateful. Whilst France and England have engaged in many life and death struggles, the former has ever been on exceedingly amicable terms with Scotland, and that intimacy has endured up to tho present, leading in earlier times to alliances between their respective royal families.

With the disappearance of Napoleon and the bitter feelings engendered by the prolonged struggle which ended in 1815, tho two races drew closer and closer to one another, and when the Crimean war broke out in the early fifties the French and tho British fought side by side. The Fashoda incident of 1898 momentarily threatened to reopen the old wound, but happily that calamity was avoided. The alacrity with which the British went to the assistance of the French nearly two years ago convinced that nation that in tho "perfidious Albion" of Napoleon she had a friend that would stand by her in storm and calm. The arrival of the English on French soil in those dark days of August, 1914, left an impression on the French mind that can never be obliterated, and since then the friendship between the two nations has be:n cemented with the best blood of both countries.

In a British exchange, Mr J. O'Grady, the n.ominent Labour member of tho House of Commons, writes an interesting article on " French Faith in Dritain." He says that during a recent visit to the west front he was frequently questioned regarding the Compulsory Service Bill, which was then before Parliament, information being

sought as to whether the working people of Britain, who were traditionally opposed to military compulsion, could bar the coming into operation of the measure. When Mr O 1 Grady was able to assuro his hosts that much as tho workers disliked the proposal they were, generally speaking, fully determined not to leave anything undone and to resist no sacrifice to win the war, the satisfaction of the French people was intense. Continuing his narrative, Mr O'Grady says:—"No matter to whom I spoke in Paris, whether he was a garcon serving the syrups at the cafe, a trade unionist, a member of th Chamber of Deputies, they all are quietly confident of victory. Indeed, it can be eaid that they show a confidence more pronounced than we do at home. It is a quiet reserved confidence with the knowledge of the fact that the Germans are actually beaten, but that it will be a long time before they fall. This samo feeling was prevalent among our troops with whom I came in contact on the lines of communication. Let there be no mistake as to the part the workers at home ought to play in this final struggle for victory. EVery ounce of energy ought to be thrown in to turn out all the necessary things required for our vast organisation and armies on the Continent. The soldierß are all right; they are doing their work heroically with splendid patience in the knowledge that tho end is near. The workers at home must not do anything that will shake that confidence, or make those men think that lack of patience and continuity of work, however great the strain may be, by our people at home will tend to prolong the war, although the end may be the same. The lads want to get the job finished quickly, and to get home amongst us again. We ought to remember that this is the most democratic army that we have ever had, and possibly the world has ever seen, and apart from the natural desire of our troops to win in the trial of arms, they know that the issue means the existence and continued progress of democracy." Since the outbreak of tho war Mr CHGrady has, like .many other members of the Labour Party, done everything possible to assist the authorities in connection with military operations, serving, for instance, as a member of the Munitions Committee. He is convinced that unless the war is won democracy will go by the board, and consequently he is a' whole hearted militarist as far as the present struggle is concerned. The majority of his Labour colleagues bold similar opinions, and are thus in strong contrast with some of their colonial associates, who have not, to say the least, shown equal enthusiasm to combat the German menace.