EFFECT ON SITUATION IN EUROPE

Timaru Herald, Volume CXXXIX, Issue 20107, 14 May 1935, Page 9

EFFECT ON SITUATION IN EUROPE

CHANGE IN POLICY FORECASTED United Press Association—By Electric Telegraph—Copyright (Received May 13, 8.55 p.m.) LONDON, May 13. Mr Vernon Bartlett, writing in “The News Chronicle,” says: M. Pilsudski’s death will profoundly affect the European situation. It may end the attempt to keep Poland equally friendly to Germany and Russia. Many Poles, who, questioning the possibility of continuing friendship with Germany, feared to oppose M. Pilsudski, are now not likely to hide their feelings. Poland has lost the greatest unifying force she has known and consequently is likely to become a pawn instead of a commanding influence. The Warsaw correspondent of “The Daily Mail” says: M. Pilsudski’s death coincides with the ninth anniversary of his seizure of power. National mourning for 36 days will be proclaimed. The Warsaw correspondent of “The Daily Telegraph” adds that he gathered that M. Laval promised moral support for the Polish aspirations in the Baltic sector but he could not be more specific until he had talked the matter over. M. Pilsudski’s body is lying in state at Belvedere Palace. Cabinet was in continuous session at Belvedere Palace for many hours but the real power lies with President Moscicki and Colonel Beck. President Moscicki, who was M. Pilsudski’s nominee, is assured of far-reaching powers approaching a dictatoriship under a new constitution. Moreover, M. Pilsulski’s friends, known as the “colonels group,” retain all the principal Government positions.

• Lithe in build, short in stature, with an air at once resolute and furtive, Joseph Pilsudski had a career of remarkable adventure. He has been called a conspirator, but since conspiracy in recent Polish history has often been synonymous with patriotism, Pilsudski probably did not resent the term. He began his plotting young, and was sent to Siberia for five years when he was nineteen years old. When Poland was a part of Russia he founded a clandestine Socialist newspaper, and later became head of a secret society and organiser of a secret army. During the Russian revolution of 1905 he was a terrorist, and at one time was a refugee in London. Born near Vilna, Pilsudski was always in favour of a close understanding between Lithuania and Poland. Although was generally regarded as the real author of the Zeligowski coup, which led to the anexation of Vilna by Poland, it is a fact that Pilsudski himself would have preferred a system of federation in which Lithuania, with Vilna, would have been a partner with Poland. When the Great War broke out, Pilsudski had been living beyond the bor-

dores of Russia for seven years. He had been forced to flee from Russian Poland in 1907, and had established himself in Galicia, where under the easier rule of Austria-Hungary he organised sokols (athletic clubs) and shooting associations. They were trained on military lines, and as soon as hostilities began in 1914 he dashed across the frontier and seized Kielce. It was not a great military feat, but his bold action impressed the national mind of Poland and indicated him to his countrymen as a possible future leader. His detestation of everything Russian made him side with the Central Powers, but he stipulated from the first that he should not be sent to the Western front. He became the leader of 18,000 Polish legionaries, for whom in 1917 he felt strong enough to demand Polish uniforms, Polish colours, and Polish instead of Austrian officers. There was some delay in granting his demands; and the German authorities, considering the Polish general to be possessed of too independent a spirit, seized Pilsudski and incarcerated him in the fortress of Magdeburg. He was released during the German revolution, and in November, 1918, made a triumphal return to Warsaw, where he took over the supreme power from the Council of Regency. The council had consisted of Ultra-Conservative Poles, who had looked to Germany to win the independence of their country; and Pilsudski, as the leader of the Socialist elements in the State, found himself in constant opposition to the extreme Right and also to other elements in a country which had been divided into three separate parts for 150 years and achieved a unity that was only nominal in 1918, For a while he had as his Prime Minister the great pianist and patriot, Paderewski. Marshall Pilsudski invaded Russia in 1920 and overran a large tract of territory, but was eventually driven back, and in August Warsaw was threatened by the Bolshevist forces. Pilsudski allowed the Bolshevists to advance to within a few miles of his capital while he waited on their flanks. He then, struck north and cut off the invaders from their base. This plan of campaign had been approved and amplified by the French General, Weygand, whom the French Government had sent, together with a large number of staff officers, to help In the defence of Poland. Once more Polish troops overran the nearer parts of Russia, most of which were embodied in the new Polish State by the Treaty of Riga. After the World War. There was an attempt on the life of Pilsudski in 1921 at Lemberg. Next year he had a difference of opinion with M. Korfanty, who had just been appointed Prime Minister, and resigned his position of Chief of the State. He declined to allow his candidature to be put forward for the Presidency. In May, 1923, he ceased to be Chief of the staff of the Polish Army, and retired altogether from the army. He then retired from active politics altogether, until he reappeared in 1923 at Praga, a suburb of Warsaw, at the head of four regiments. He let It be known that he considered that his old opponent, M, Witos, then Prime Minister, was undoing all the good work of his predecesosr, Count Skryznski. He drove out the Government and the President of the Republic and appointed M. Ratay, the President of the Seym, to take his place provisionally. This appointment was in accordance with the procedure of the new Polish Constitution. He was a secretive man, chary of speech and unwilling to commit himself until the moment of action. He was very simple in his tastes, and carried his abhorrence of display to the length of often appearing in old and shabby uniforms. He disliked being a conspicuous figure on the political stage, preferring to direct others from behind the scenes. Very popular with most of the army, he was to some extent a national hero, but had many bitter enemies. In recent years, he held the post of Minister for War, and was the greatest power in Poland, being at various periods virtual dictator.