RESPONSIBILITIES MET.

Timaru Herald, Volume CXXXIV, Issue 18831, 20 March 1931, Page 11

RESPONSIBILITIES MET.

MR STANLEY BALDWIN. (By T.C.L.) As Leader of the Conservative Party and ex-Prime Minister, Mr Stanley Baldwin is one of the most prominent personalities in the public life of Great Britain. He is also one of the most pleasing and popular. He has been described as the “enigma” of British politics, one which publicists at Home find interest and pleasure in attempting to solve. They do not seem able to make up their minds whether he is a strong and able statesman or a weak but well-intentioned politician. Some credit him with the possession of a magnetic spark which kindles men’s faith and draws them to him. Others qualify their opinion of him with “buts” and “ifs.”

Mr Baldwin first came into prominence when, defying some of the leaders of his own party, he led the opposition to the Coalition Government in 1922. He believed that the Conservative Party would break up entirely if it remained parties to the Coalition, and said that he and those of his friends of like mind would much prefer to go into the wilderness for an indefinite period than carry on as they were. He was inspired by the firm belief that the country needed homogeneous party administration after the demoralising effects of coalition mis-rule. But it was in 1924 that Mr Baldwin had an opportunity of showing his metal. He had just decisively defeated the Labour Government. It is on his administration of the following few years that he is judged to-day. To many, even of his friends, he was a failure, because of his handling of his Cabinet, composed principally of the “old gang,” who could not move with the times and deal with the new problems constantly arising. Mr Baldwin is essentially a kindly and considerate man was long suffering in the handling of his ministers. “Some of my colleagues,” he once said, “think I am a half-wit; others doubt whether lam even a quarter-wit. I can understand then* opinion and their doubts, but I cannot understand why those who doubt and those who disagree with me should still retain office in my Cabinet.” His critics quote this statement in confirmation of his weakness and his lack of action which led to the defeat of his government in 1929. His friends affirm just as vigorously that his personal popularity saved his party from worse defeat than that which overtook it.

However opinions may differ as to his ability as a political leader, there is general agreement as to his worth as a man. Indeed, were a vote taken to-day on the question of who is the most popular figure in political life in the country there is no doubt Stanley Baldwin would prove an easy winner, for he enjoys the respect and affection of all sections. Though differing from him in politics, the working classes, for instance, have the utmost confidence in him, and only regret he is not at the head of the Labour Party. They know how fairminded and generous a man he is, how deep his sympathies are with the “under-dog,” how utterly selfless he is in everything he does and says. They recall with pride the incident that occurred just after the war when he wrote anonymously to “The Times” at the time the making of a capital levy upon the country to reduce the National Debt was under discussion, offering to make a voluntary contribution of a fifth of his then fortune of £580,000 to the Treasury. The offer was accepted, and he paid in his £150,000. Incidentally his fortune was in Baldwin’s Ltd., which, like most other industrial concerns, has since passed through critical times, as a result of which the £1 shares are now not worth more than 2/-, leaving Mr Baldwin a comparatively poor man. Another story, characteristic both of his generosity and his love of doing good by stealth, is told of him. When walking through Gloucestershire years ago he heard that two philanthropic old ladies in a certain village were straining their slender means in keeping up an asylum for feeble-minded girls. He walked into Stroud, a good many miles away, collected 200 dirty and crumpled £1 notes, and wrapped them up in a piece of newspaper, together with a letter to the old ladies which he wrote in the style of a tramp. It said that a passing vagabond wished to do what he could to keep up an establishment the like of which might one day shelter himself! Then he persuaded a yokel to bribe an urchin to deliver the parcel without saying how he had come by it.

Mr Baldwin was one of the statesmen who addressed the Imperial Press Conference, and his appearance was the signal for applause that was deafening in its intensity. There was no mistaking the feeling of the Empire jornalists. Though few had seen him before all knew him well and appreciated him qualities of heart and mind and his great public services. In appearance he is not outstanding. He resembles a prosperous farmer, ruddy in colour, stocky in figure, and happy in demeanour. He has confessed that his life’s ambition is “to read the books I want, to live a decent life, and to keep pigs.” It is not surprising, therefore, that he prefers the balmy, bracing air of his native Worcestershire to the forbidding atmosphere of Westminster.

When Mr. Baldwin speaks the force and character of the man are revealed. Calm and deliberate, with a voice as cultured as it is pleasing, he soon captures and holds his audience. On this occasion he took as his text “England after the War,” and without notes of any kind he traced the evolution of England and the post-war difficulties. There were one or two striking passages in what followed that are worth recalling. He said that it was a marvel that Britain ever came through the period of readjustment; that political power had gone ahead of political experience; that Britain was the centre of the world problems, which bore with terrible weight on her; that the country was saved during the general strike of 1926 by the common sense of the people; that British democracy was fundamentally far too honest for anyone to have fears over it; that the adjustment of mankind to the machine was the biggest problem that humanity was up against; and that England would take the shock of the new industrialised world. He also referred to the United States and made the - significant prediction that this great nation with all its wealth and machinery would in the near future have industrial and economic troubles greater even than than those which were then confronting England. It was an address full of “meat” and interest.

In November Mr Baldwin led the attack on the Government in the noconfidence debate. On this occasion he was fluent and humorous, smiting the Labour Government for its sins of omission and commission and penetrating its armour at many points. To the stranger the most noticeable feature was the attitude of the Labour “die-hards” on the opposite benches. It was one of great tolerance and friendliness, so different a feeling from that evinced earlier in the proceedings towards Mr Lloyd George. It may be that Stanley Baldwin is too courteous and gentlemanly and too fair-minded to be a successful political leader, but there is no questioning his earnestness, his disinterestedness and high purpose. He embodies all that is good and worthy in the Englishman, and a nation can call itself fortunate which can call on the service of such in time of trouble and need.