Democracy.

Timaru Herald, Volume XIIC, Issue 13650, 18 July 1908, Page 3 (Supplement)

Democracy.

By Augustine Birrell. (The following article by Mr Birrell was contributed to the twenty-fifth anniversary number •of the- "A'ew York World," consisting >of " 200 ' pages—;he largest, newspaper ever issued.) 'Jims was in the modern world when the words " democracy " and " democrat " struck chilly terror into the hearts of brave men. and fair women,, while in the ears of others equally brave and perhaps- as fair .they rang, exultant "as a summon-)' to battle. To-day it is otherwise. For us democracy is no more than.a form of. Government and the only availab.e form. We are.-no longer believers, or even halfbelievers, in. the divine right of kings whose pedigrees,- to tell the truth, have become sadly dubious. Our Churchmen as rulers being hopelessly discredited by.the unbroken testimony of history, : and mjlitary heroes ws founders of dynasties being proved most expensive. •failures,- we feet we have no option but to intrust to the multitude, agaiu,t whom, nevertheless, we take ..all the precautions "we can, the choice of choosing at decent intervals of time their legislators and administrators. DEMOCRACY AND LIBERTY. Government of some kind'-is. an. admitted necessity. Dividends must go' on being paid'at the bank, contracts either 'be. :ienforced or damages paid for breach of ' them—nay, even trade debts should be : collected. The modern man expects a good ■ deal in exchange for his rates and taxes, arid if a reasonable number of adult male citizens every now and again, are allowed to go to the "polls to express their political preferences, why, then democracy is supposed to be satisfied and nobody, not even a maid of honour, nor a' lady of the bedchamber;' shivers in her - shift as she reads hy her electric lamp' Carlylle's "History of the French Revolution." .'.',. -Between a' democratic form of government and democratic sentiments there may, however,, be a great gulf. Fixed democratic sentiments are multiform, and some, it may • be, thrive best under the Republic of France, or as in Switzerland. Unluckily, I have never yet been in the United States, where a sense of equality from top to bottom is clearly perceptible, but which hardly is felt in England. ' On the other-hand, liberty, the child of (he English common law, hitherto has thrived best on British soil, though there are those who begin to tremble for liberty even in England. '. Fraternity, the noblfst of the famous sisterhood, also is the shyest arid most elusive, and it would not ■ ha.-easy to name the land where now she lives, ,sava in complete retirement. Equality may exist before the law, and' evt-h in society liberty may be secured by the law and be the birthright of the poorest, but fraternity has her roots in other soils but these. Mr Lowell once defined democracy as "the putting of, the force of all at the disposal of all by means of some arrangement assented -to by all for the protection of all, and this under certain prescribed forms." "WE MUST EDUCATE OUR MASTERS." The distinction, however, must always, be taken between forms of government and ideas. Under all forms of governmerit in modern times ideas make themselves felt, and, as the saying is, govern the world. The larger the number of folk who have a direct voice in the choice of their governors, the more pressing become the question whence comes the ideas that govern the country. ■ Hence the phrase: " We must educate our masters." But who are- the "we"? History "does not lead us to lwlieve that political wisdom is found oftener. in aristocracies than in oligarchies, or in oligarchies oftener than in so-called democracies. Political wisdom certainly is not to be found in universities nor among lawyers or the clergv. Gibbon composed "a magnificent ' history, of the decline and fall of the Roman. Empire, but the fall of the French monarchy, though he had enjoyed rare oppertunities of studying the subject, took him, completely hy surprise. The common people are at least ns likely to be right in the matter of politics'as anybody eV.e. The true phrase, therefore, is not "We mi'Rt educate our masters," but "We must educate ourselves."

You cannot c1.1w5i.f7. ideas nnd lodge them in separate-.compartments —political, religions, social. We are' all, as Shakespeare savis, strangely woven of one piece. Where,- then, do we'got our ideas? From books, newspaperr?, music-halls, stock exchanges, workshops, drinking saloons, clubs, sermons, divorce cour<>>, schools and univemities—all contribute to the mental and moral outlook of democracies and generate and spread the ideas and notions which make men and women what they are and obtain for them the kind of government they deserve. It is a'misiake to suppose that man-a kind can ever get rid of authority. We arc all afraid of something, be it only public opinion. We all woTfdiip something, be it only money. We all hnw to fioni°boily, be it only foy (WV favourite •politician. Not many of iv? can hone to ve7\i f v his fnrmnlfiß. Our political catchwords are: at least, as mysterious to most of its as once were our creeds. Great, and even small,-leaders will continue to sway our minds, form our opinions, and command our voters. ' It cannot be otherwise," nor need ye wish it to be- otherwise.