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THE GENERAL ELECTION.

MB B. Gk KERR AT TIMARU. Mr E. CX Kerr, a candidate for the representation of tho constituency of Timaru, addressed a meeting of the electors m tho Theatre Royal last evening. There was a Tory largo attendance, the building boing filled. Mr Korr was listened to with evident interest and was frequently applauded during tho delivery of his address ; expressions of dissent, howovor, wero not wanting from time to time. His Worship tho Mayor, occupiod the chair, and briefly introduced tho spoakor, and requested for him as' fair a hoaring as had been accorded to tho candidate who had already spoken. Mr Kerr was extremely well received on rißing. Ho had never, ho Baid, represented a constituency m Parliament bpforo, nor had he ovor uiadu a spcoch on political subjects, and therefore ho was at a disadvantago'as compared with big oppouont, Mr Turnbnll, who was a voteran m politios. Ho therefore craved indulgence,, and the more bo as ho wai Buffering

rom a s^re*OQ|lf||«Rjikfc(><i«sologised for i *eadin? 'fiho gr^Sfwiv^THkrti^pf hißii address, not i :aring tb trust to' his, me"inpry -when dealing ' with durations of Sttdjcy. v-H 6 desired to i jive them a corre# s idesi!v3jjk” bis riews, ; \n& therefore wishiSdvito rn^itf' certain that i bie clidict give thelSjan erroneous idea by mere sljp' of the tongutfc , Tl}j» was important m .dealing with policy ; m dealing with.-ftt>stract questions merely, it would not matter so much. Although he had never betfii«in' i Parliament, he had had considerable experience m the management of public business ; he had been Mayor of a municipality m North Canterbury, for five years, and had held numerous other publiu positions. He was a Liberal m politics, his interpretation of Liberalism being, " Progress, and jußtioe to all sections of the community." (AppbiuseO Ho was not one of those who advocated, m the name of Liberalism, the taking of legally-acquired property from one class without compensation, and distributing it among those vrno had no property. That Bortof Liberalism was known m England as* extreme Radicalism, m France as Communism. For an instance of such Liberalism as he repudiated, he referred them to Mr Turnbull's speeches for the last three years. Three years ago Mr Turnbull propounded a scheme under the taking name of "The Land for the People." He agreed with Mr Turnbull that the land should be for -the people, those who purchased it. Two years ago the same hobby horse appeared again (it was necessary to bring it out m a new name, but it was at once recognisable) as " Unearned Increment." The other night the old Bteed was trotted out again as "Bursting up the Big Estates." (Laughter.) To any attempt to bursting up the big estates by special taxation he was distinctly opposed. (Applause and dissent.) The holders, whether individuals or companies, paid for their land the prico demanded by the State at the time of the purchase, and complied with the law. He admitted that from a colonisation point of view the laws which allowed people to secure immense blocks of agricultural land, preventing the settlement of a large number of farmers, were very bad laws ; but were they to punish the purchasers for the sins of the Legislature? He ehould answer emphatically no, and he was certain no reasonable man would answer otherwise. (Applause.) They li3d had enough of such communistic ideas hurled at them by the late Member for Timaru for election purposes. Would the people or the Legislature ever agree to such a spoliation of the property holders of tho country ? (Yes.) They would not. Then what was the meaning of the cry, and what its effect on the country ? Its meaning was to catch rotes ; ifcs effect on the country was very serious — it depreciated the value of property, and drove foreign capital to seek investment m other countries, where the rights of property were respected. (A voice: " There's too many foreigners here now, sir." Laughter.) It also prevented people who had capital from coming to settle here — (No) — and as a result the laboring classes were crying out for work, and unable to obtain it. A stop should be put to those erie 3 against capital, and everything possible] be done to induce people m England to invest j their money m the colony. The more money | there came for investment, the more labor would be employed, and the more prosperous would the whole community become. No one | regretted more than he did that so many large estates wera held by a few individuals m South Canterbury, and if it wai desirable that they should be cut up (and no doubt it was desirable), then the State might purchase them at a fair valuation, and cut them up into farms of one or two hundred acres each. (A voice : " That's TurnbuH's policy.") That was the only possible way he could see out of the difficulty. But he did not believe the Legislature would ever interfere m the matter ; they would be satisfied to leave matters of that sort to right themselves. In the natural order of things tho large estates would be cut up by the , owners, who would find it would not pay to keep good agricultural land merely for grazing ', purposes. He would go so far m taxing the agricultural lands m the big estates, as to tax it all as cultivated hind. Capital - and labor must go hand m band together ; because without capital labor could not exist. They should therefore be careful not to do anything which would have the effect of driving capital away, or preventing people with capital from coming, and any insecurity m tho tenure of land, or any question as to the security of money invested m land, and be sure to keep capital and people with capital away from the country. With regard to the government of the country, it must be admitted that New Zeiland had been misgoverned for a number of years. (Hear, hear.) Among the first acts of the Atkinson Combination Ministry was their declaration that the colony was m a state of bankruptcy, and they did their best to ruin the credit of the colony m the English money market, and they were responsible for that most iniquitous tax, the property tax. Ho had been a strong opponent of the Atkinson Ministry from the time they took office to the present, and should continue to be so. (Hear, hear.) In addition to n bad Government, they had a miserable, wrangling Opposition, split into two parties, one following Sir George Grey, the other following Mr Montgomery. That Opposition, by their divisions had kept the Government m power for years ; but at last they had united for the one object of ousting tho continuous Ministry. But when the loavee 'and fishes came to be divided, they could not agree any better than before ; and the Governor very properly granted a dissolution, and sent them all back to tho country. The people were allowed the opportunity of choosing fresh representatives, and it behoved every electorate to return men of moderate views, not extreme party men, or men who would form a factious Opposition. If returned, he would follow noither Sir George Grey nor Mr Montgomery — (hear, hear) — because he was satisfied that neither of them could form a strong enough party to successfully carry on the business of the country. He was a great admirer of Sir Georgo Grey, believing him to be thoroughly sincere m all he advocated, but ho was a theoriser and a romancer — (expressions of dissent) — and pos 1 sessed very little practical politics. Mr Montgomery was more practical and moderate, but ho lacked the power to lead a party. What were they to make out of the chaos ? As the benighted traveller was often directed to the haven ho sought by a star appearing m the firmament, so m tho political firmament thero now appeared a bright particular star that woidd guide them out of heir difficulties. He need hardly say that he referred toSir Julius Yogel. He believed Sir Julius Vogcl would form a strong Government, and if returned ho would give that Government his hearty support and assist m making New Zealand what it was destined to becomo under good government, the most prosperous and flourishing colony m the whole of Her Majesty's dominions. (Applause.) Ho would not be found stonewalling such a Government, nor would he bo found offering a factious opposition, wasting the time and money of the country for no benefit whatever. Ho would next refer to taxation, a matter upon which hinged to a great extent the prosperity or otherwiso of tho colony. Thero wore two kinds of taxation, —direct and indirect. He waa an advocate ;of indirect taxation such as is imposed m the Customs duties, but ho was aware that for revenue purposes m the present state of tho colony it was necessary to hare rocourso to direct taxation clso. In his opinion tho worst form of taxation that could bo iv force m any colony was the property tax of tho Atkinson Government. (Hear, hoar.) First, it was cv inquisitorial tax, prying unfairly into a man's private affairs, and secondly, it was a, clog upon tho wheels of industry by taxing improvements. How was it possible for the colony to progress or work be found for the artizans or laborers, who were no w unfortunately out of employment, if building and improvements were handicapped by that iniquitous tax? People would not spend their money m building or m starting local industries, knowing that every pound they expended on either one or the other would bo taxed. Merchants, drapers, and storekeepers also suffered from the tax. Many of them had stocks to the vnluoof £5000 to £10,000, and they had to pay tho tax ou the full value. In tho present dull times tradesmen were mostly living on their losseß. (Laughter). Their balancesheets at the end of the year frequently showed a loss of several hundred pounds, yob they had to pay a tax on the goods they

were privileged to lose* money by. Take — » lorge industry like Bruce'a mill. The whole of the machinery m it,, as ; well as the building, was taxed. How could the colony prosper under such a state of affairs ? He would oppose the property tax m or out of Parliament, and would neVer rest untU it had been obliterated from the Statutes of Jfew Zealand. (Hear, hear.) One reason why he had no scruples m supporting Sir Julius Yogel was, because m his sppech at Ashburton he stated 'that he was opposed to the property tax. But if the property tax was abolished, what should be substituted for it ? He would advocate a land tax — (hear, hear) — with an exemption up to £500 m value, the same provision nowmade under the property tax, and with a provision that the mortgagee should be required to pay on the amount of his mortgage the same as under the property tax. It was said that the property tax was better than the land tax, because under Sir George Grey's land tax the mortgagee escaped. It - would be easy to remove that defect by making the mortgagee liable under a land tax. Under suck a tax business would go ahead and property would be improved, because the penally on making improvements would be removed. Buildings would go up and working men find employment m all parta of the colony. (Applause.) That was what he desired to see, and if any conflict arose between capital and labor, they would always find him standing up for the weaker side, namely labor. (Applause.) An important question as affecting the future welfare of the country was education. He held it to be the duty of the State to institute and maintain a system of free, secular and compulsory primary education, but it was no part of the State's duty to contribute towards th 6 support of higher, or what was commonly known as secondary education. (Applause.) The bolstering up of secondary education by the State simply meant that the hard earned money of the tax-payers was frittered away to pay for the education of a class of children whose par nts could well afford to pay for such education. If returned to Parliament he would vote against every vote brought forward for secondary education, no matter what Government was m power, or who 1 brought forward the vote. As to primary i education — the national system now m force — he thought it too costly, and that its cost could be considerably reduced without im- ! pairing the efficiency of the system. He would never agree to revert to the old ' system of school fee 9 for primary education. Tho demand for a reversion to I that Bystem came from the Conser- , vative camp, the Conservatives holding that every man should pay for the education of his own children. He was not a Conservative, and did not hold with that view. The State had a duty to perform to the people m this matter, and the duty of educating the masses to read, write and cypher was the first duty of the State. He did not believe m pampering children, cramming them with education, and making them above industrial pursuits, and thinking they were all cut out for the higher professions. He was strongly m favor of giving a large number of scholarships m the primary schools every year, not money scholarships, but such as would entitle the winner to a courso of higher education withon' payment of fees. This would bring out boys from the working classes who would be a credit to the colony. He did not himself lay claim to any cleverness, but he was proud to say he sprang from the working classes, and was practically a self-educated man. Until some fifteen years ago, when he joined the newspaper profession, he earned his living by hard manual labor, and his sympathies would always be with those who had to earn their bread " by the sweat of their brow." On one question m connection with education, there was a considerable difference of opinion, and he might offend a good many by the position he took up towards it. Mr Turnbull and himself, however, wore on the same platform on that question. This was the claim of the Roman Catholics to a share of the education vote. The Catholics occupied a different position from others with regard to the national system, having conscientious scruples which prevented them from taking advantage of the secular system. They had shown (heir sincerity by going to great expense m building and carrying on schools at their own expense. If their children ivere sent to the State schools, they would cost the country £3 15s per head, and the country had therefore saved that much out of the Catholics for some years. He would now propose that the Government begin to pay them a capitation grant if they taught up to the Government standards, and subjected themselves to Government inspection. As to other amendments m the Education Act, he was m favo? of doing away with cumulative voting m the election of school committees, and he would also endeavor to amend the Act so as to give Committees fair representation m the election of Boards of Education — that is to «ay, acording to the number of children attending the schools. It was monstrous that an aided school m the country with an average attendance of ten or twelve should have as much voice m the election of the Board of Education as the Timaru school, with 1000 children m attendance. (Hear, hear.) He would take occasion to say that Timaru had been most unjustly treated by the Board, ever since a separate Board had existed m South Canterbury, seeing that Timaru earned one-third of the Board's revenue. If any request came from a country school, Bay from Geraldine Flat, it was granted at once without the slightest question, but if Timaru asked for anything it was invariably put aside and the Committee snubbed. That, at any rate, had been his experience. If he was sent to WelHngtor he would certainly make it hia business to interview the Minister of Education upon that and other subjects connected with education m Timaru. He would bring under his notice the refusal of the Board to raise the side school into a main school, — a refusal which should not have been made, as Timaru was entitled to a much larger teaching staff than it had at the present time. He then went on to the subjects of publio works and immigration. It woidd be wuse for tho colony to carry on public works if it could be shown that they would be reproductive. It was of courso necessary to open up the country for settlement, and also necessary to provide employment for the people now wanting it. He was perfectly certain that if Sir Julius Vegel took the reins of Government, which he would do, he would be at the head of a strong Government within three months— ho was certain that he would push on the public works of tho colony, and he would support him m doing so. (Applause.) But he would not have them suppose he would support Sir Julius Yogel m any reckless extravagance. Ho would support him m anything that would bring the colony out of the hole it had been put into by bad government, and push it into the state of prosperity they saw some years ago when he, then Mr Yogel, instituted his public works policy. As to immigration, be was totally opposed to it, believing there are sufficient peoplo m ;uo colony, even if public works go ahead, tor at least five years. (Applause and dissent.) It was all very well for large capitalists to keep up the cry for more immigration, their object was to get cheap labor. He was altogether opposed to that. His motto was "a fair day's work for a fair day'a pay," md he would always stick to it. (Applause.) He would next refer to s matter that cropped up at Mr TurnbuU's meeting. Mr Turnbull commenced his speech by stating t! at the whole of the opposition to him m this election was caused by a " miserable Kaeeeourse Bill." He asked them not to believe for a moment that he came forward on account of any " miserable Racecourso Bill." Tho idea was totally wrong, but as he h»d something so do with that Bill he would take the opportunity to .explain the action he took with regard to it. It was due to himself to make suoh an explanation. An applicatios was sent to the Committee of the South Canterbury Jockey Club by the Tradesmen's Club, asking for the uso of the course on the Anniversary Day . Ho was prejent at the meeting and atrongly advocated the right of the Tradesmen's Club to the coune. He spoke a long time upon it, and ho believed the request would have been granted, only, being Chairman of the meeting, he hacTnot an opportunity of giving his views of the easa until all tho other raombers had spoken. He could refor the meeting to ouyone who was present, for tho truth of this. .Ms Turnball wished them to understand that ( the South Canterbury Jockoy Club wished to ketp it •ntirely for their own uw. He (M^

Kerr) was a candidate for election, and it Mr Turnbull struck a back-handed blow at any of his supporters it would be he who would Buffer. He had always been, and always would be m favor of that reserve being used by every section of the community, and not by any favored section only. The Racecourse Bill was introduced to vest the reserve m Trustees, the old vesting under the Public Domains Act not giving the Bacing Club power to charge for admission to the ground. An attempt was made to make a grievance out of the Bill being introduced by the Member for Gladstone instead of the Member for Timaru. The reserve was m the Gladstone district, and therefore the member for Gladstone was the proper person to introduce it. (Hear, hear.) When the Bill had passed the Lower House, the Club found that it contained a provision that would have taken from them without any compensation whatever, all the property they had put upon it daring a series of years. He went to Wellington while the Bill was m the Legislative Council, and got that provision for the spoliation of tho South Canterbury Jockey Club struck out. Since then the Club had leased the course from the trustees for seven years, and the Tradesmen's Club ■were entitled to use it for £25 a year. Mr Turnbull was quite at sea m trying to make out that his standing m opposition to him was on account of the racecourse matter. Mr Kerr then sat down amid applause. The Chairman then invited questions, and a large number were proposed. In reply to Mr Butherfurd, Mr Kerr said he was opposed to assisted immigration. People could come out to the colony if they Hied, but he would be against the State paying for them. To Mr Armstrong : He was opposed to the reading of the Bible m the schools during school hours. He thought it would be a very great mistake if it were done. He believed m children being allowed to read the Bible, and he was glad to hear that the classes which are now being conducted at the school were getting on so well. At the same time, however, he would never consent to the Bible being read m ordinary school hours. (Hear, bear, and applause.) To Mr Kjmber : He would if elected, take the trouble to go through the pension list, and if he found that pensions were being given to persons who did not deserve them, or who had been (put on the list out of charity, he would be the first to strike such persona off the list. On the other hand if he found that there were men on it who had been of valuable service to the country he would protect them so far he wa3 able to. — He would be m favor of reducing the Civil Service very considerably, by simply doing away with a lot of useless people who were simply paring their nails, smoking their pipes, and had their feet stuck on mantle-pieces all the day. He had, when m Wellington, recently been taken through the "den" (which was a name for the large chief establishment m that city) and had found the Civil servants sitting smoking and yarning together ; and all the while they were drawing their pay. To his own knowledge many of these persons were put into the Service by friends. He would do his best to cut down the Civil Service, but at the same time he would not go m for reducing them to low salaries. He would be inclined to give them higher salaries, and reduce the number of the Htaff. — He would not agree to the abolition of the Upper House, as Tie considered it »as necessary as a check to hasty legislation. He did not believe m its constitution, however, as with a few honorable exceptions, it consisted of a lot of old fossils. He would make it his duty to enquire fully into this matter and see whether it would be better to make it an elective House or partly elective and partly nominative. It was a very important question, and required a lot of consideration. (Hear, hear.) — He was not m favor of an elective Governor. The colony was under the British Constitution, and as long as it was part and parcel of Her Majesty's Dominion ! the r<npenal Parliament would appoint him 03 the Bepresentative of Her Majesty. (Applause.)— He could not make any promise as to the limit at which Government salaries should be fixed. It was a question that required working out carefully. He believed m a fair day's work and a fair day's pay. He would not be a party to cutting down anyone's pay. — He was m ' favor of indirect taxation ; * he would never ' make taxation direct unless it were absolutely , necessary. — He would do his best to get ' cheaper government ; m so far as trying to ' have things done as cheaply as possible. — He would snpport any measure compelling the ! Government to re-spend the taxes of the • colony m the colony, provided the measure ' would ho of any use. ! To an elector : He was m favor of giving . every encouragement to colonial industries. He would be prepared to support a measure ! giving encouragement to them by a direct money vote, or by easing the duties on raw [ material to give facilities for the working of them. He did not believe m local industries being taxed m any form. ' To Mr Davidson : He was a Liberal, and i believed m the honorarium, and thought it would be a great mistake to go m for the "abolition of it, which would simply mean that the House would be made up of wealthy men. When he spoke of being m favor of the honorarium, however, he was m favor of it providing it had been earned. He would not be m favor of its being given to who had only been two weeks ja Wellington. He was very much grieved to hear Mr Turnbull the other evening say that he had brought bis honorarium home to divide among his creditors. The town did not want a member on the pauper ticket. (Hisses and applause.) To Mr Barker : He approved of the Local Option clauses of the Licensing Acts. He would certainly support the extension of the franchise on licensing questions to male 3 over 21 years of age and who had resided m 'the district six months. But he would not extend the franchise to females. He did not want them to think he was dead against tho ladies. Far from it. He would give them all the privileges they were entitled to. What would their forefathers have thought Of men who had bo degenerated that they had to call upon the assistance of women to help to manage political affairs. (Hisses and applause.) Men and Women had very different positions m the , world. It was the business of men to work and support the women and children, and it was the business of the women to attend to ' domestic duties. Imagine the state of things if women were allowed to deal with questions of public interest. A man goes home after a hard day's work and finds his children playing about the house, no fire burning m the grate, and no meal ready. He asks the children . where their mother is, and m told she is out ' at some house arranging about the election. ' A man- placed m such a position, he was afraid, would be apt to give vent to his feel- . ings m words that would not be found m Johnson's or any other dictionary that was published. — He was not m favor of local option applying to existing licenses, unless the holders of them were compensated. He con- ■ tidered if a man's business was destroyed for fhs |beneflt of a community, the community had a right to compensate him. To Mr Williams : He was not m favor * of free railway passes being issued to Members of the House. He thought it quite sufficient for the country to pay their expenses to and from Parliament. He had known instances m which Members had used their passes when travelling purely for business purposes, and he was totally opposed to such a proceeding. To Mr Kimber : It was not a fact that newspaper men had Press passes on the railways issued to them. They had to pay now whenever they used the railways, and from his experience at the present time it cost the papers no Bmall amount for travelling cipeniM. . To Mr Orwin : He would, if elected, vote for a sum being placed on the Estimates to go towards the cost of the Fire Brigado Association's annual demonstration. He had had considerable experience m fire brigade work, having been a private m a brigade, and subsequent a Superintendent, and would assist all In bis power. The Brigade's motto was " always ready," and_ the Government should havo the same by being always ready to assist them. (Applause.) Question : Were you not, Mr Kerr, a staunch supporter of Mr Turnbull at the hut election ? Mr Ken : Yes I was. I. supported Mi Xornbull a* against Mr Gibson, on the quo*

tion of property versus a land tax. Ido not aoTeeand have not agreed' 'Witt Mr Turnbull ona large number of questions,'"butrX'BTipported him m preference to Mr Gibson, who advocated a property tax. I gave all my support to Mr Turnbull on that particular occasion. In reply to an elector, Mr Kerr said he had m his address already given them his opinion on borrowing. He considered they should go on borrowing and finish those works which were partly constructed, and also go on andcarryoutnewpublic works. He was not one of those croakers who wore going about saying the colony was " done," it was " doomed," etc. They should send down to posterity a certain burden of their debt ; not work themselves to death m order to hand over their immense estate to posterity. (Applause.) To an elector : He was opposed to selling the railways. Ho thought they would become such a grand estate that m time they would wipe out our national debt. Ho was m favor of removing the railways from political con trol as much as possible, and would be found ready to advocate tho forming of nonpolitical boards to manage them. He had mown cases m connection with the railways that showed bad management ; where men had been taken from the lower ranks and placed over deserving men's heads, as their superiors. He would never support anything of that kind. Ho would go m for promotion on the basis of the length of time a man had been m the service. (Applause.) — He could hardly give his opinion on the question of Protection versus Free Trade. He did not think any person could get up and say he was a free trader or a protectionist. There were some local industries that would never exist were it not for protection, which was Becured by Customs duties. He would do everything to foster local industries, but he was not prepared to say he was a protectionist. He was a free trader m tho ordinary meaning of the term. — He was not aware of any question connected with municipal matters that needed reform, but if elected, and the Mayor, Councillors, or electors pointed out to him that an amendment was necessary, he would always be found ready to support it, and assist m every possible way. To Mr Rutherfurd : He>ould support Mr Bryce. He considered him the best man iv the Atkinson Ministry. To an elector : He* was most decidedly m favor of a poll-tax on Chinese. He was not like his opponent, Mr Turnbull, who said " no," and who, on the question being asked him, held up his arms and said something about " tho earth was the Lord's and the fulness thereof." He was opposed to Chinese being allowed to come to the colony without there was a poll tax. They were not desirable colonists ; they did not mil with the people — (Voices : "Oh ! don't they," "They don't get drunk," and " Oh ! oh !") — and when they got any money they did not spend it m the colony, they took it away with them to China. They were, m fact, so mercenary that they would not leave their bones m the colony, but had them gathered up anj taken away. If he had his way, and there were a large number of them coming to the colony, he would put on a tax of £50, not £10. Men here had quite enough to do to get a living without being opposed by Chinese cheap labor. (Hear, hear.) Question : Do you think it necessary to continue the placing of a large sum of money to the sinking fund, seeing that the inscription of our stock m the London market would render it unnecessary ? Mr Kerr said he was not m favor of a sinking fund at all. It was the greatest mistake m the world. They were simply crushing themselves m order to help posterity. He would be m favor of inscribing stock as much as possible without any sinking fund. To any elector : He did not Bee how a national system of currency could very well do m this colony ; unless the whole of the colonies agreed together to adopt it, it would be useless for us to attempt it. In fact it was not required. To Mr Rutherf urd :He thought the whole matter of the foreshore had been explained the other evening. He was under the impression from what ho heard at Mr Turnbull's meeting that Timaru had got the foreshore, but he had since met Mr Moody, Chairman of the Harbor Board, who explained to him that all Timaru had got was a small strip to the north of the Landing Service. From the Service south to Patiti Point the Government had secured. He thought it was a disgrace that the town had been allowed to be deprived of its fair and just share of the foreshore. He did not despair of getting some of it back, and he should, if elected, take a very early opportunity of laying the matter before the head of the Government, and explain what injustice had been done to Timaru. It was simply owing to the hostility of the then Member for Timaru to the Government that such action had been taken. (Hisses and applause.) To an elector : He had already given his opinion re local option. He would not take away any man's license or burst up any man's business without some provision was made for compensating him. He believed m justice to all. (Applause.) To Mr Bush : If appealed to, he should do his best to improve the market reserve ; not leave it as at present, a bog hole. He would make such use of it that revenue would be derivable. He did not think, however, it would be wanted for market purposes for many a day. — He would not agree to support a Bill to compel any man to sell his property, without he was compensated m some way, and therefore would not support a measure compelling corporations to buy out Gas Companies. (Hear, hear.) To Mr Werry : He was not m favor of the State granting aid to High Schoolß or for secondary education j especially to that jastard system that the Bey. George Barclay was so favorable to — District High Schools. To Mr Lukey : The reports to be found m Hansard were generally accurate. Now and then, however, members manipulated their speeches for the purpose of appearing m a good light to their constituents. The statement m Hansard, referring to the foreshore he was not aware of ; but he understood the public would hear the full explanation of this question after next Harbor Board meeting. To an elector : He was not m favor of declaring hares game next season. He would like to see them wiped out altogether, they were so destructive. To an elector : Ho was not m favor of abolishing the beer tax. It was the duty of the State to put taxation all round as evenly as possible, and m his opinion beer could stand a tar very well. To Mr Barker : Ho was not m favor ot doing away with the Bankruptcy Act, which ho believed m. Ho thought it protected the honest trader as against tho dishonest trader. He would be m favor of an Act that would punish people who never intended to pay their debts, and which provided that a man must pay 103 m the £ before he could get his discharge— Where to draw the line between the honest and the dishonest trader was a puzzler. No lino could be drawn, unless every man was treated aa a dishonest man until he was found out to be the contrary. To Mr Kimber : The bankruptcy law had certainly been meddled with a good many times. Tho best law he had ever soen'-was that introduced by Mr Bowen, which was founded on the Scotch law. As introduced by Mr Bowen, it passed the Lowor House, but when it got through the Tipper House it was entirely changed, and its adoption had caused very grave evils. To an elector : The large estates could only bo acquired by purchase, and the amount to be given depended on the price asked by the owner and the Bum tho State would be prepared to givo. Ho mentioned that the | large ostates were situate m Otago and South 1 Canterbury, and therefore only a few membr-rs | of the House wero interested m this quasi' ■:• ■ He thought most of the largo estates wo .•.''< m the course of timo burst themselves up. If a man's property were liable to be taken away at any time, such a proceeding would strike at the whole root of civilization. It would prevent the people from being provident and industrious. (Hear, hoar.) Question : Are you awaro that Mr Turn- , bull never advocated taking the land away without compensation ? k Mr Kerr : Yes sMr Turnbull is going In ; for bursting up the estates by a progressive land tax. In my opinion that will not do, r and if you, gentlemon, calmly consider tho • ' question, I think you will arrive |at the game

conclusion. People who have no property genorally like to acquire other people a. To an elector : The reason he was going to follow Sir Julius Yogel waa because ho was at one with him on the question of land tax verms a property tax. He would follow the Government that did the most good for the people, and if ho gained his more important points he would be satisfied for the time to support the Government, and would wait and get the remainder afterwards. (Hear, hear.) Mr Lukey : You object, Mr Kerr, to Mr TurnbulTs policy of a progressive land tax, what kind of a tax, therefore, do you intend to imposeP Mr Kerr : I say put on a land tax. In my scheme there would be exemptions under £500. I omitted m my address to state, when speaking of taxation, that if I found the land tax did hot catch the people, then I would bo m favor of an income tax. That would oatch all professions, lawyers, doctors, journalists, etc. I would also make an exception under that tax, and touch ho man's income that was not over £300. To an elector : He did not think the Government were m a position to lend money so as to lower the rate of interest, and so interfere with private companies. The high rate wa§ caused by persona decrying the value of property ; if they stopped that the rate would soon come down. To an elector : He did not say he was a follower of Yogel. He would, however, be prepared to follow him, and he believed before many months were over, he would have a strong following, and would get the country out of the mess it had got into. To Mr Harvey : He wa3 unable to give an opinion as to the propriety of Building and Loan Society charges being regulated by Government so as to do away with the large amount of interest and charges payable, and was surprised at any sensible man asking him such a question. — Gaols were to a great extent self-supporting, and were day by day becoming more so. — Banks had a right to issue notes, not the Government.— Ho would not be m favor of establishing a system of poor laws, rates, or work houses m the colony, and thought it was degrading to a community like this for any man to get up and ask such a question. (Applause.) Mr Harvey essayed to put another question to Mr Kerr, but the audience would not let him, and kept up such a storm of hisses and yells that he had to retire. To an elector : The question of federation will not affect us for many years. It might do for the larger colonies, but it would not do New Zealand any good. (Applause.) To Mr Murdoch ; He was m favor of all bodies being elective ; did not believe at all m the nominative business. Mr M. Jona3 then rose, and amid some confusion said ho had very much pleasure m moving a vote of confidence m Mr Kerr as their future Member. (A voice : "No confidence ; cries of " oh, oh," applause, and hisses.) Mr R. Rutherford seconded the motion. Mr J. Levien moved as an amendment, and Mr J. Lukey seconded — " That a vote of thanks only be accorded Mr Kerr." (Hisses* and applause.) The Mayor then rose, but as the uproar still continued he threatened to vacate the chair if they did not at once become quiet. After a few minutes the noise ceased, and the Mayor then put the amendment and motion, ruling that the number of hands held up for each was about equal. Mr Kerr then thanked them for attending, and moved a vote of thanks to the Chairman, and the meeting broke up with three cheers for Mr Turnbull.

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Bibliographic details

Timaru Herald, Volume XL, Issue 3054, 8 July 1884, Page 2

Word Count
6,978

THE GENERAL ELECTION. Timaru Herald, Volume XL, Issue 3054, 8 July 1884, Page 2

THE GENERAL ELECTION. Timaru Herald, Volume XL, Issue 3054, 8 July 1884, Page 2