HOME RULE.

Taranaki Herald, Volume LX, Issue 143765, 13 April 1912, Page 3

HOME RULE.

MORE ABOUT THE BILL. THE DEBATE BEGUN. SPEECHES BY IRISH MEMBERS. By Electric Telegraph.—Copyright. LONDON, April 12. In the course of his speech introducing the Home Rule Bill, Mr. Asquith stated that the improved conditions of social order had removed one argument formerly used against Home Rule. Other factors were the Local Government, Land Purchase, University, Old Age Pensions, and National Insurance Acts. These were a tardy and inadequate setoff against the evils which Irishmen behoved were due to over-taxation and depopulation. Ho contended that the granting of Imperial credit in working tho land purchase and old age pensions systems made separation more unthinkable to Ireland. Dealing with the question from the standpoint of the United Kingdom and the Empire, he the imperative need of emancipating the Imperial Parliament from local burdens. They would never get local concerns treated without delay and sympathetically until they had the wisdom and courage to transfer them to the representatives of the people affected. He emphasised tho congestion of business in the House of Commons. The existing system of centralisation was impotent. He asked how it was possible to discharge their duty to the Empire? He referred to tha grant of autonomy to Australasia and South Africa and the self-govern-ment of the Transvaal, which were strictly analogous to Homo Rule for Ireland. He would be a bold man who would assert that Ulster presented more difficulties than tho Boers, with whom the Britons were living side by side in territory just recovering from an internecine war. In the case of Australia and South Africa the object was to provide a central legislative and administrative authority to deal with matters of common interest to separate and adjacent States, while maintaining the utmost individual autonomy for local purposes. “We start,” ho said, “with a congested central body which, if it intended 'to carry out efficiently the common interests of tho whole, must delegate local interests to local management.” Finally, the great dominions, although starting at opposite poles, were all animated by the same spirit and attaining the same goal. He was' euro they all had hearty sympathy with toe spirit and purpose of Home Rule. The first clause of the Bill stipulated the unchallenged supremacy of the Imperial Parliament. The Irish Parliament would consist of the King and two Houses, which were, according to the Bill, only empowered to make laws exclusively relating to Ireland. The Bill excluded from the Irish Parliament questions dealing with the Crown, peace and war, control of the navy and army, treaties, dignities, treason, and a number of other matters.

THE FINANCIAL PROBLEM. The executive would be the same as in the 1893 Bill. Regarding financial relations, the Government had not adopted tho Primrose Commission (scheme, but had benefited by its suggestions. Its reports would be presented to Parliament. The Estimates for the coming year showed the true Irish revenue to be about £10,840,000. The expenditure on Irish services would be about £11,235,000. The Irish Parliament would pay the cost of all except the reserved services. The annua! grant of £500,000 would be gradually reduced to £200,000. The Imperial Parliament would continue to tax the whole kingdom, and the Irish Parliament would be empowered to reduce or discontinue for Ireland any Imperial tax provided the sum Imperially transferred to Ireland was correspondingly reduced. Tho Irish Parliament would be empowered to impose taxes on their own account, but would not be empowered to impose Customs taxes, except upon articles dutiable in tho United Kingdom. It would not be empowered to augment any Imperial duty or Customs or the Imperial income tax, but was free in connection with stamp duties, although some of these would remain uniform throughout the Kingdom. Tho joint Exchequer Board would consist of two on each side, with a chairman nominated by the Crown to adjust financial relations. Irish representation at Westminster would be based upon ono member for every 100,000 voters. This would involve merging the majority of existing boroughs into counties. Hence the Universities would cease to be represented. —(Ministerial cheers.) There were between twenty and thirty self-governing legislatures now under allegiance to the Crown. Would one more break up the Empire?—(Cheers.) The demand now emanated not from outlying quarters, but from a country near their own shores, bound by tics of kindred, associated in every form of social and industrial movement, who had borne and were bearing, a noble share in the upbuilding and holding together of the greatest empire. In closing, Mr. Asquith quoted Mr. Bonar Law’s statement in Belfast that the Government had sold the Constitution.—(Unionist cheers and angry shouts from Ministerialists and Nationalists.) The Prime Minister challenged Mr. Bonar Law to say what the Government had sold themselves for. Mr. Bonar Law ; Votes. The Prim© Minister asked if Mr. Bonar Law was prepared to say that the Government had sold its convictions. ' Mr. Bonar Law; The Government haven’t any.

DEBATE IN THE HOUSE. Sir Edward Carson said that the Government’s scheme was fantastic., unworkable, and ridiculous. To talk about devolution all round was hypocrisy. Iho Bill was an irresistible weapon in the hands of the Nationalists. If they demanded separation it would deprive Ulster of the protection of the executive, which was responsible to the British Parliament. The Government had introduced the Bill when the Constitution was in suspense, while the lying preamble in tho Parliament Act was still in abeyance, and the whole affair was a disreputable bargain between the Government and the Nationalists. There was not one guarantee worth the paper whereon it was written. Ulster would oppose the Bill at every stage. Mr. Redmond said that the principles devolving the management of local affairs upon local assemblies was the foundation of the Empire to-daj. •* o community of white men had eiei asked* for the right and had been refused. The Nationalists did not want separation. They stood where Parnoll stood, willing to accept a subordinate Parliament as a final settlement. Financially, the Bill was far better than that of 1886-1893. He would, without hesitation, recommend it to tho National Convention, In time it would turn Ireland into a happy and prosperous country. Tho Irish were never intolerant in religious matters, and were willing for any safeguards to be inserted to meet Ulster s views. He quoted Mr. Gavin-Duffy’s pamphlet upon Australia’s experience in support of his view for a nominated Semite as far safer than a Senate elected upon a narrow franchise. Mr. Redmond hinted that the Nationalists desired land purchase to be controlled by the Irish legislature. He concluded with an eloquent reference to the spirits of Gladstone and Parnell as dominating an historic scene. Incidentally, Mr. Redmond referred to Sir Edward Carsou’s argument; If Ireland has a right to Home Rule, Ulster has an equal right. He asked if Sir Edward Carson proposed this. Sir,Edward Carson; Will you accept it?

Mr. Redmond; I would like the proposal made first. Mr. M'Douakl said that a nominated Senate would be more democratic than an elected one. Far and near a single Chamber would bo welcomed. Ho hinted that the Bill had been drafted with a view to its extension to England, Scotland and Wales.

Mr. O’Brien, reserving judgment on details, generally approved of the Bill.' He said that if it was accepted as a final settlement it would involve some renunciation of dreams which tho Nationalists formerly cherished. Ho regretted that tho Cabinet had not accepted tho recommendation of their own export committee, which favoured giving Ireland fiscal independence. Apparently Ireland was to have an excise which exhausted her source of . revenue and the power to devise new taxes, but Customs were to bo settled by tho Imperial Parliament. He was afraid a dual control of the Irish purse would not turn out happily. Ho congratulated the Government upon its determination to complete land purchase upon Imperial credit. If tho Irish people would accept the Bill he would give it his loyal support regardless of narrow sectional interests. Mr. Balfour moved the adjournment of tho House. THE BILL CRITICISED. NO BREAK IN LIBERAL RANKS. (Received April 13, 8.5 a.m.) LONDON, April 12. The Times states that the federalism in the Bill is only an excuse for tho retention of forty-two Irish members, whose function it will be to vote larger subsidies for Ireland. The Senate, nominated first by a Government in alliance with the Nationalists and shortly by the Irish executive, will be. a ridiculous protection for tho Unionist minority. Lobby comments reveal no signs of a Liberal cave. Sir Clifford Cory intends to vote against the Bill, and two other Liberals are doubtful Radicals criticise the nominated Senate and suggest as an alternative a chamber selected by proportional representation. Mr. Samuel will explain the financial provisions on Monday. The Times states that Mr. Asquith failed to explain that the Imperial Parliament was really making an annual grant of two millions. The Standard declares that the financial proposals are a combination of muddle and fraud. The not result is that Britain gives the Irish exchequer two millions a year and Ireland gets the army and navy tor less than nothing. The Chronicle says the complexity of the Bill is a merit, as it shows details, and the details have been .well considered. It dislikes the nominated Senate. Colonial experience has shown that it as incompatible with democracy, and it is an objectionable precedent for a reformed House of Lords. The Daily Nows states that the Bill is based on large and liberal lines. It regrets that the Irish are not given control of the Customs. The Westminster Gazette disapproves of the nominated Senate. SAVINGS BANK DEPOSITS. NEWSPAPER CRITICISMS. (Received April 13, 11.15 a.m.) LONDON, April 12, A member of the House of Commons was convulsed at Mr. Asquith’s admission that savings hank depositors would receive six months’ notice to enable them to withdraw their money in tho event of the Irish Government assuming control of the bank. Mr.. Asquith stated that if over Ireland managed more than to pay her way for three years running he would arrange, for an Irish contribution to tho common expenditure to assist and diminish the two millions deficit. Mr. Asquith did not- mention tho

judiciary, but said it was tho Government's intention to safeguard pensions. New judges would be appointed by the Lords-Lieutcnant on tho Irish executive’s advice.

Critics state that the freedom of the Irish Legislature in connection with excise will enable it to confer preference on Irish spirits by reduction of tho duty. The Pall Mall Gazette says the main effect of the Bill is that England pays without governing and Ireland governs without paying. The Westminster Gazette says tho Bill firmly unites supporters of the principle of Home Rule. The Freeman’s Journal says it is tho boldest and most generous measure yet introduced. The Cork Free Press says that as a permanent system the Bill has not solved the Irish problem. The Irish Times declares*that tho Bill will prove utterly unworkable. It docs not offer a middle course between separation and a return to the status of union. The Irish Independent cannot regard the scheme as liual. It gives threequarters of what was expected. The Northern Whig (Belfast) says the Bill is more illogical and complicated than Mr. Gladstone’s and was conceived in fraud. SIR JOSEPH WARD'S OPINION. SOUGHT AND GIVEN. Per Press Association. WELLINGTON, April 13. Sir Joseph Maid has received a cablegram irom Mr. Redmond, M.P., asking his opinion of tho Home Rule Bill. Sir Joseph Ward replied as follows: “Strongly approve Home Rule Bill, which gives proper freedom with every reasonable safeguard to minorities. It will settle Hie Irish question, will contribute enormously to solidarity of Empire, and increase good fellowship of America and English-speaking world.”

Speaking to a Post representative, Sir JoscpU said he supported Home Rule for Ireland on two uroad grounds: first, it was in the best interests of the Empire as a whole; secondly, it was due to Ireland herself us a matter of common justice. From an Imperial point of view the Bill was only a recognition of the principle that tho more you decentralise from Government control what are purely local affairs, the more you acid to tho efficiency and energy of that Government, and tho more you stimulate an active general interest in it. This was independent of that insistent and persistent national desire on tho part of tho Irish people to govern themselves. Tho one barrier to British . Imperial unity was the acute and deep-felt souse of wrong which the withholding of self-government had created in the breasts of the Irish people at home and abroad. More freedom to Ireland meant greater security to tho Empire. Resentment felt by Irishmen the world over, notably in America, towards England for keeping Ireland in the present position and subjection, had contributed immensely to prevent that internal amity which was the only permanent basis of international goodwill throughout the English-speaking world.