THE IRISH DELEGATES.

Temuka Leader, Issue 1979, 7 December 1889, Page 2

THE IRISH DELEGATES.

SIR T. G. ESMONDS AT TEMUKA. Sir Thomas Grattan Esmonds, one of the Irish delegates now lecturing in aid of the Irish evicted Tenants' Fund, and whose advent had been warmly expected, duly arrived at Temuka by tho north express on Thursday. He was met upon the platform by a large concourse of people, who cheered him lustily as be loft the ctrriage. After the necessary introductions by Mr Qninn, the chairman of the reception committee, lm was escorted to a conveyance kindly loot and driven by Me P, Wareing, and accompanied by Messrs M. Quinn, J. M. Twomey, Q. McS. Gentlemun, and John Quinn, was conveyed to the Crown Hotel, where a large number of the reception committee awaited him. After a few minutes’ conversation he re-entered tho carriage, accompanied by Messrs M. Quinn, J. M. Twomey, E. Lee, J. Fitzgerald, and P. Wareing, and was driven to the Butter and Cheese Factory, over which he was shown by Mr Bowman, the manager. Sir Thomas being a large farmer and widely interested in agriculture at Home, ho displayed much interest, and made minute enquiries into all tho working of tlie factory. Ho was then driven nearly as far as Winchester, after which he returned to town.

At eight o’clock the meeting was held in the large Volunteer Dri Ished, which was beautifully decorated for the occasion by Mr J. Beri, who deserves very great praise for the taste ha displayed in the work. The platform was draped with red, white, and blue, and decorated with evergreens and out lowers. At the back was displayed the Gaelic motto of the Caledonian Society “ Cuimnich air na daoune o’n d’ tliaaig tbu,” and beneath it in large letters “ Welcome.” The walls were tastefully decorated with evergreens, and from the roof Were suspended flags, conspicuous among which were the National banners of England, Ireland, and Scotland, On the motion of Mr Quinn, seconded by Mr D. Henry, the etiair was taken by Mr K. P, Gray, chairman of tho Town Board, and upon the platform were the Revs. T. A. Hamilton and G. Barclay, and the Rev. Fathers Pauvel and Tracey, Messrs M. Quinn, J. M. Twomey, T, Connolly, J. Fitzgerald, A. Kalman, T. GeSney, J.Mundel l , D. Henry, M. Scannell, A. Russell, S. Coughlan, 0. C. McCarthy, D. Hoare, J. Connolly, M, O’Driscoll, E, Lee, J. Brosnahan, M. Brophy, P. McShane, T. Daily, E. Burke, W. Fitzgerald, P. Burke, G. Leary, J. Sugrue, and J. Aegland. The body of the hull was completely filled, a large proportion being ladies. Every seat was occupied, and many had to stand. There were probably about 800 persons present. The Chairman expressed the pleasure he felt at being asked to preside at such a large and representative gathering, among whom he was pleased to see so many ladies. Ha trusted that they would go away thoroughly enlightened by Sir Thomas Esmonde on the subjects upon which it was his special pleosure to speak. He was pleased to preside tho t evening for many reasons. The questions involved matters of the utmost importance to the Home Country, aod to the colonies as a whole. The manner in which the delegates had been received was a proof that the cause they represented was a good and right one. It was not necessary to be be an Irishman to appreciate that. He himself was a Scotchman, and he claimed that nineteen out of every twenty Scotchmen were Home Rulers, It was not his province, however, to go into that question, but he would introduce to them Sir Thomas Esmonde, and would claim for him a fair and impartial hearing. He had to apologise for the absence of two gentlemen, and read the following letters received from them:—

“ Pleasant Point, Dec. 4th, 1889

<( Dear Sir, —I regret I cannot attend the meeting of the Irisli Delegates on Thursday, as 1 shall have a service iu my church on that night. My views on the question of Home Pule have been fearlessly expressed as long ago c.a January, 1881, in the columns of a Dublin paper called The Farm, a copy of which I send you, and as it is the only copy I have please return it to me as soon as you have read it. As there are two sides to every question, and people look at it from different points of view, I think it better for the present not to explain ray views, as they may be misunderstood by those who do not thoroughly understand the question. I hope the delegates will receive a fair and impartial hearing.—l am, yours truly, ,{ T. Jasper Smyth.” Mr J. M. Twomoy, 11 Secretary Irish Eviction Fund, “ Temuka. “ Dear Sir, —I regret exceedingly that I cannot attend the meeting of Delegates on Thursday evening, but am absolutely precluded by the serious illness of a member of my family.—Yours truly, “A. W. Ensor.”

Before commencing to speik, Sir Thomas was presented with the following address, read by Mr J. M. Twomay : " To Sir I. fltrattau Bsmonde, Bart,, M.P. “ Dear Sir,—On behalf of the people of Temuka, Geraldine, Pleasant Point, and intervening Districts, we tender you a hoaity Obad Mix-liE FaiXiTHE. As showing the existence of a widespread sympathy with the objects of you l ’ mission, it will gratify you t) know that all classes, irrespective of creed or nationality, have combined to make your path smooth during your sojourn in our midst. It has given us infinite pleasure to not'ce the enthusiasm with which you and your colleagues haye been received throughout Australasia, as this indicate that colonists, as a whole, arc practically in accord with you in your aspirations to secure sslf-gorerdment for your nat : ve land. We enjoy the blessings of Home Buie in these Colonies ; under its benign influence we are prosperous, content, and loyal, and we are persuaded that similar privileges would yield similar results in Ireland. As an integral portion of the British Umpire, wo feel concerned in the well being of every paijfc of it, and consequently are interested in the peace and prosperity of Ireland. We are persuaded that nothing will render that country peaceable and prosperous except the restoration of her own Parliament, of which she has been deprived, and we are foitified iu this opinion by the fact that all previous attempts at legislating for her hayo been unsuccessful. We beg to congratulate you—and through you the Irish Parliamentary Party—on the extraordinary measure of success which has a’ ready crowned your labors, in having secured the co-operation of the great Liberal parly of Great Britain. This fact alone proves the justice of your claims. As regards the victims of landlordism, on whose behalf you have coma to solicit our assistance, we beg to assure you of our entire sympathy with them, and we sincerely hope that you will be successful

in securing for them such concessions as will ameliorate their condition. We have Witched with intense interest the proceedings of the Times-Parnell Commission, and rejoiced exceedingly at the discomfiture of those who sought to defame Mr Parnell and his colleagues. With unswerving faith in the ultimate success of your cause, and confidence in your two great chiefs—the Grand Old Man of England and your illustrious leader, Mr Parnell —we beg to subscribe ourselves, on behalf of the many sympathisers with your mission in the above-named districts, M. Quinn, Chairman; <T. M. Twomey, Secretary ; G. McS. Gentlemun, Treasurer ; A. Russell, M. Soannell, J. Fitzgerald, B. Lee, J. Angland, T. Daily, A. W. Gaze, P. Dalton, J. Brosnahan, W. N. Oathro, K. Brophy, J, Connolly, B. Burke, D. Henry, P. Ryan, Members of Committee.”

Sir Thomas G. Esmonde on rising was received with loud and prolonged cheering. He said he thanked them sincerely for their hearty welcome, and for their address which he had just received. It gave him the greatest pleasure to be met in the preaecution of his mission by such a representative audience as the one before him. (Applause). It was a pleasure to him to stand upon (hat platform as an advocate of iiome Rule surrounded by gentlemen of the many nationalities and creeds as the one which surrounded him at that moment. It showed that their (tho delegates’) cause must be a good one when it could command such universal support as he found extended to it that evening. It showed that the citizens of this part of New Zealand had come to realize that (he Home Rule question was a great Imperial question (applause), in which the interests and welfare of the British Empire were bound up, and was of im-

portauce to every citizen of that Empire wherever he might be. They (the delegatee) had been told they had no business to come to New Zealand and stir up strife among the citizens, to intrude their old world questions and grievances here. It seemed to him this argument did not carry much weight

when he could find so many who had come to listen to a speech upon the question. Many had no doubt come to obtain information on the subject, and their presence showed that if they did not at present sympathise with they were at least anxious to hear the Irish side of the Horae Rule question. (*joud applause.) They were constantly told that they should no f agitate, but should be

perfectly satisfied with th# Government they had in Ireland. It was because they were exceedingly wicked people and endowed withsonuny wickednesses that they did not appreciate the government under

which they lived. (Laughter andapplause). He only wished some of those people who talk so gibly in such a manner could live for a short time under the Irish Government, and could obtain upon Irish soil an experience of the beneficent and benign Government with which the people of Ireland were blessed. It they had that experience they would see whether they were justified in carrying on this agitation, and in saying the hard things they said. They would see they would be justified in saying far more hard things, and agitating much more than they did now. If the people of New Zealand lived under the system they had in Ireland, instead of agitation and debating in Parliament he thought the most of them would attempt to end the question in a very different fashion to what the Irish people were. (Cheers.) He had endeavored to lay before the people of New Zealand the Irish question, but it could not be dealt with at one single meeting, and he had to a certain extent to lay it before them in piecemeal fashion. That evening he would endeavor to enlighten them upon the nature of their Government. He would confine his remarks mostly to the political aspect of the case, and try and show them why it was they carried on the agitation, and why they sought by every means in their power to get a Government

similar to that enjoyed by the people of New Zealand. In the first place they were moved and stimulated to carry on this agitation because the Government in Ireland at the present moment was not an Irish Government, because they had a Government and a system in Ireland which

had been imposed upon the people against their will, They had, of course, heard of the Union Act. That was an Act under

which Ireland was bound by a paper bond to England., Perhaps many of them were not aware that in old days there was in Ireland a parliament, which parliament had had control of their internal and domestic affairs. Eighty-nine years ago that parliament had been taken away, and Ireland was joined to England by an Act to which the Irish people never consented and never would consent, (Loud cheers).

He did not mean to occupy their time in telling them how the Act of Union was carried, because some people when they read the newspapers would say, “ Oh, that man is one of those unconscionable liars, aParnellite, and has been telling you

a great many things which you should not believe.” He found the best thing to do when they wanted to fire a shot was to

steal a shell from the enemy’s magazine, and they found they could get as many shells there as they had any need for. Sir Thomas here quoted from Mr Lecky,

an historian of the highest character and attainments, and a Unionist, in which that gentleman said the whole of the intelligence and intellect were against the Act of Union, and the

large majority of the people opposed to the destruction of the Irish Parliament. The Union Act had been carried by gross corruption, at a time when the country was under martial law. The result was that it arrayed against itself almost all the genius, patriotism, and virtue of Ireland, and had left enduring animosities behind it. That was what the Union had done, and that was why they were agitating to sweep it away. The people of Ireland had never consented to the destruction of

the Irish Parliament, and never would consent. They had never consented to the management of their affairs by England, Scotland, and Wales, and if they had to agitate to the Day of Judgment they would do so, and would

do everything in their power to sweep away the Union and bring about a belter state of affairs. The Irish people felt, no matter h®w ignorant, savage, etc., they might be thought to be by out-siders-—(laughter)—that they had in them all tho intelligence and all the

feelings that went to constitute a distinct nationality, and they knew and realised that the system which was now in existence, under which their local affairs were managed by Englishmen, Scotchmen, and Welshmen, was a distinct denial of their national possibility. They wore told that this was mere sentiment,

and that Irishmen were hair-brained, feather-brained, etc. (laughter)—that they were swayed by sentiment more than by anyone else. Lie said even if they were easily swayed by sentiment, sentiment had an enormous amount to do with shaping the destinies of a nation, and he would bo a very foolish politician that attempted to deal with a nation by setting at defiance their sentiments. He now came to some of the reasons why they should be dissatisfied with the existing state of things. Next to the sentiment of nationality would come the feelmgs of common-sense. Although Irishmen were supposed to have no common-sense at all, vet they bad a suspicion that the government of their country was not a satisfactory one. Thai suspicion was ground into them by 87 Coercion Acts in 89 years. He asked them to bmr with him while he gave them a brief sketch of what the 89 years of English government had brought them. When they had a Parliament of their own they were in a prosperous condition. New they had neither manufactures nor trade. The only industry in Ireland was the agricultural industry. The people of Ireland hid been driven to seek their sustenance from the soil, because there was no other outlet for their industry. About a year and a-ha f ago he was in America, aud went all through the Southern States. He had visited a great many of the chief towns there, and they told him that at the

principal seaports in days gone by Irish ships used to come bringing over Irish produce and Irish manufactures, and taking back American produce and American manufactures ; now nothing called there except the ships loaded with a peculiar freight—and that was the emigrant ship, (Loud applause.) This was owing to nothing but the way in which Irish affairs bad been managed by the English Government. Their industries had disappeared, and they had bad millions of their

population driven away by the action of the English Government. When they had a parliament 89 years ago they had a population of 5J millions, now they had a population of scarcely more than 4| millions. He asked what had happened to England during that period. Why, the population there bad more than trebled itself. The population of every country had greatly increased in that time. That might perhaps be set down to natural causes or the ordinary and natural course of events if thsy did not go into tha question. About 53 years ago

they had 8 million souls, now they had only millions. Hew was it X What had happened to the population? They knew, as their statistics toll them, that some millions of people had left Ireland duriag the famine years, IJ millions of people bad died of sheer starvation in Ireland, and these things took

place simply because of the way things were being managed by the English parliament. They had lost their manufactures, they had seen their population forced to till the soil as their only of living. One would have thought that the English parliament would so have

tried to regulate the laws as to benefit the people. Instead of this they bad allowed a land system to exist in Ireland which was almost unique and without parallel in any part of the world, and to the operation of this land sjstem was greatly due this frightful mortality in Ireland from starvation. If they had had an Irish parliament he did not think they could have

done much worse than that, (Applause). It might bo said that the evils which had happened to Ireland were

due to the extraordinary character of the Irish people. He would like to tell them what was the system under which they lived in Ireland, and he left it to them to judge if any nation could be happy under such a government. In New Zealand (hey had a popular and democratic government, and they could hardly understand the system of government they had in Ireland, and which existed in opposition to the will of the Irish people, and without the least regard to the wishes of the country over which

U ruled. Here they had a Governor, and he noticed that the people at Home took good care to select a man who was acceptable to the people of the colony ho has to reside in. In Ireland they had a Lord

Lieutenant, who occupied about the same position with them as tha Governor did in the colonies. As far as the LordLieutenant went they did not very much object to him, ns he was to a certain extent only a figurehead, mainly used in reading speeches prepared for him by other people, presiding at public dinners, signing documents, e'c. But they had |nn official under the Lord-Lieutenant,

' who bad a great deal more power. He presumed they knew his name, so he would not mention it. He was the Chief Secretary for Ireland. (Hisses.) This gentleman, as his t name indicated, was a Scotchman. That * was rather a point in his favor, if anything ; but he was a real Scotch Tory, Before he was appointed Chief Secretary for Ireland lie had not been in the country

once, and since be had been appointed he he had been there three times; and he took care to make his visits like angel’s visits—as few, as far between, and »b short as he could possibly make them. (Laughter.) This man exercised a power about equivalent to that exercised by the Cz ir in Russia. He could play ducks and drakes with the life of almost every mao in Ireland —he controlled the police, appointed the magistrates, etc., and was all-

powerful. Tbey would naturally think that a man with powers like this would be a man that was acceptable to the people. On the contrary, they were never consulted about this mao. The fact was a good salary was attached to the position, and whenever the Prime Minister had a friend for whom ho wished to provide a snug little billet he just sent him over, and be became Chief Secretary for Ireland. Next to the Chief Secretary were a number ot Judges that are entrusted with the ad-

ministration of justice and the carrying out of the law, and one would suppose that these would be men who had the confidence of the people. The Judges were, however, oil appointed to their positiors for some political service tbey had rendered to one parly or another, not because of their special knowledge of the law, or their ability to administer the same. If a particularly clever lawyer did a good turn for the English party that happened to be in power he was gradually promoted until he got to the Irish Bench. They paid these men good salaries, and tbey did less work than any other judges in the world, (Applause.) They paid

the Lord Chancellor a salary of £BOOO a year, and when he got weary of hie duties tie was allowed to retire upon the nice, i

tidy little pension of £4OOO a year. The others did the same. The Irish people believed in paying well, so that they could command the best possible men, but if they had to pay they considered it only right that (hey should have a voice in the appointment. (Applause), But they had no voice whatever in these appointments, they were simply placed in position at the will of the English ministers of the day, and those present would see that the law in Ireland was not reverenced as in England and elsewhere. The same thing was carried out in every part of Irish administration. All the magistrates were appointed by 'ho Prime Minister for the , time being, no men known to possess the confidence of the people in Ireland were appointed, and it was quite enough to debar a man from the position if he happened to enjoy the confidence of the Irish people. (Applause). He asked how would the people of New Zealand like it if all their officers, police, magistrates, judges, &c., wore appointed by the government of New South Wales'? (Applause). And still some people wanted Ireland to bo satisfied io have their officers " appointed by the par’iament in England. He could assure them that they never would be so satisfied. Tney had in Ireland a number of departments which had the control over andadministered their affair- 1 . These were termed boards, such as the Board of Works, the Prisons’ Board, Ihe Lunacy Board, &c. These boards were offiiered by men, in my of whom had never been in Ireland before, and were simply pitchforked into these places because they had good salaries attached and these men happened to be the friends of the English Prime Minister, They had, for instance, a department called

the Beard of Works. Tiiia board has the control of large sums of money, and is supposed to look after the public works of Ireland, and it is notorious for being tha most inefficient and expensive of any any board in Europe. (Applause). They constructed harbors, piers, &c., and as a general rule at the first storm the works disappeared. Sir Thomas quoted instances of where one pier was constructed in his district, and the ratepayers had to guarantee the interest on £70,000. It was constructed against all advice as to the site, u'ilily, &c., and the first storm washed out the foundations, and the whole thing collapsed and fell over into the Irish Channel. Not long ago they had a debate in the House of Commons about a pier constructed by this board on the coast of Ireland which when completed was at high water 50 yards from the sea, (Loud laughter). And yet soon people said the

Irish fishermen were a lazy lot in not making use of these piers. Not only was the work done so bad, and the money wasted, but when these boards made a mistake and wasted; the people’s money the people got no redress. When the Irish members raised a debate in the House they were called obstructionists, cloture was put on, and they had to collapse. And yet they were told they should be satisfied. The

Irish people had no more control over these things than they had over the Government of Timbuctoo. (Loud applause). Sir Thomas then quoted from a speech made by Lord Salisbury, who, he sail, like many another great statesman, did not stick, rigidly to one set of principles, but at one time was a little in favor of Home Rule himself. Lord Salisbury said: “ What is the reason people of so fruitful a soil, and with such enormous resources as the Irish, lag so far behind the English in the race. Some say it is to be found in the character of the Celtic race, but I turn to France, and I see there a Celtic race going forward

with rapid strides. Some people say it is owing to the Catholic religion, but I look to Belgium and see there a people second to none in Europe except the English for industry ; singularly prosperous, considering the small space of country they occupy, having improved to the utmost the natural resources of the country, but distinguished among the peoples of Europe for the earnestness of their Eoman Catholic belief. Therefore I cannot say , that the cause of the Irish distress is to be found in the Roman Catholic religion. An honorable gentleman near me says it arises from the Irish people listening to demagogues. I have as much dislike to demagogues as he has, but when I look to the Southern States of America I see there a people who listened to demagogues, but who undoubtedly have not been wanting in material prosperity. It cannot be demagogues, Romanism, or the Celtic race. What is It? I am afraid that the one ’ thing which was been peculiar in Ireland has been the Government of England.’’ He thought Lord Salisbury bad hit tha rigtit nail upon the bead. He thought this speech fully bore out what the Irish people said about the system of Government in Ireland, and he thought had given abundant reason why they should agitate for Horae Rule—to have the control of all those officers he had been speaking about, and for the people of Ireland to have that power over sffiirs as the Parliament of New Zealand has over local affairs in New Zealand. (Loud Applause). They did not ask for the Parliament to have the power to raise an Irish Army or Navy, nor for the power to propose tariff rates, nor to make a stale religion, but simply asked for a Parliament to manage their own affairs, and that was all. (Loud cheers). That was what they wanted, and that was what they meant to have if they bad to agitate till the Day of Judgment. (Loud applause). As long as they were denied in Ireland the light to manage their own affairs, and jso long as they were injured by this I ridiculous appointment of officers, so long

would ‘here be agitation. They were told the agitators were the cause of Ireland’s misfortunes, but so long as they had this system carried on so long would tbey have agitators. None of them were ever going to be satisfied with the management of local affairs being entrusted to strangers. They did not put forward their claim in antagonism to England. They had always found that Englishmen, Scotchmen, and We'sbmen got on "well with Irishmen, and many of them were just as anxious for Hoipe Ru'e as any Irishman in Ireland. (Loud applause), They bad no hostility to the people mentioned. They were worse Separatists ihan the Irish people were, and a larger proportion of Home Rulers were returned from Sco’land aod Wales than there were from Ireland. (Applause.) They recognised that the people

of England were not responsible fpr the miseries of the people of Ireland. They had only lately had any share in the go? vernment of their own country—(applause) —and, therefore, could not be blamed pv the misgovern ment in Ireland, The .

Irish people had been misgoverned by a section of the English aristocracy and the Irish landlords. The people of England were in no wise hostile to the Irish, in fact the Irish looked to them to put an end to the present misgovernment by their votes. He assured them in very emphatic language which was Isudly applauded that Ireland was far from hostile to Englishmen, and that they were quite willing to “ Let the dead past bury its dead.” He pointed out tho very strong and natural antipathy the Irish people had to the meddlesome interference of the English Government in

interim! and domestic aftairs of Ireland, in dictating to the people bow they should do every triiing thing. They had no objection at all to meeting and debating with them anything concerning the interests of both countries, (Loud applause.) He also ridiculed the absurd notions that had been formed by many people as to the character ot an Irish agitator; at the same time it was no great wonder when they considered what misleading statements were cabled out to these colonies

with regard to their doings. He referred IjO an incident that occurred several years ago, when it was cabled out that a number of Irish laborers had been poisoned by the Land League, whereas in reality it turned out that a landlord bad given some of his men diseased meat, and some ot 'hem died. He thought in this case the landlord and not the Land League were to blame. (Loud cheers.) H© ventured to say that the correction was never cabled out here. A certain Captain Rowley was said to have had the tails cut off of bis six cows by Moonlighters. He (the speaker) took pains to find out the actual truth of the matter. He asked in the House of Commons if it was a fact, and the Under-Secretary said he had not had an opportunity of verifying it, but he had no reason to disbelieve the statement that had appeared in the public papers. He had scarcely sat down when a telegram was brought to him (Sir Thomas) to the effect that Captain Rowley had only two cows; one had its tail on, and the missing tail of the other had been found in the cowyard, where it had fallen off owing to disease, (Loud laughter and cheers). The correction of the report was never sent to these colonies. He mentioned several cases where outrages had been reported and telegraphed out as having bean committed by Irish agitators, which, when inquired into, were found to be entirely without foundation. He complained bitterly that the correct version was not cabled ont, and that the Press Association agents were biassed. (Loud applause). Other crimes committed by the antagonists to Home Rule were not sent at all, and amid cries of “ Shame ! ” he mentioned the case of a policeman passing along a road firing a revolver at two little girls because they hooted him. He was brought up on the charge, and fined £3. (Sensation). In another case two emergency men fired at some children by the road side, and he (Sir Thomas) had yet to learn that they had been brought to justice. He said that the fact seemed to be that if you were an Irish Nationalist there was no' law for you, whereas if you were a so-callod Loyalist you could get anything you liked. The Home Rulers were trying to bring in policy for the purpose of seooring to the Irish people the privilege of making the Irish laws. (Applause). He pointed out the absurdity of the notion that they wished to make a Republic of Ireland, He said it was not possible, as under any system of Home Rule the English Government would remain In control of all the fortified positions, forts, army, navy, etc. Brave as they might be, the people of Ireland armed with sylhes, pitchforks, picks, etc., would have very little chance against I be English troops. Another thing, England took from them all their produce to the extent of £19,000,000 a year, and they could not afford to lose their market. He also assured his hearers (hat it was not the intention of Horae Rulers to do what so many people said they intended to do, namely, make the Pope the head of an Irish Republic. Many people seemed to imagine that that was their aim, and that Protestants would be unable to live in Ireland. He had also read some lines in a newspaper opposed to them, in which the writer prayed God to save him from such a state of things. He pointed out that if they were going to cub off the heads of Protestants, as some suggested they were, they would have to cut the heads off of Mr Purnell, and a great many others who had (he interests of the I-ish party entirely at heart. He considered that those people who said florae Rule for Ireland meant Romeßule for Ireland wore endowed with a very small amount of common sense. He said that they did not have, as some emed to believe, the faction fights now that they formerly did in Ireland years ago ; there was not that bi.tor sectarian feeling that formerly existed, and, in fact (and he hoped the clergyman on the platform would forgive him for saying it) now-a-days they cared very little what religion a man was, or indeed whether be professed any religion at all, so long ns he had the interests of Ireland at heart. What they asked for was that every man that lived in Ireland should be anxious for its welfare, (Loud cheers). They were told that if theauccrss of Home Rale was achieved Ulster would fight. He said Ulster returned at this moment a majority of members in favor of Home Rule, and he took it if the majority of the members were Home Rulers then the people must bo. Speaking of the religious toleration of Irishmen, he pointed out that Ireland was the only country in Europe where the Jews had never been prosecuted. In the days of the persecutions in England, too, the English Protestants went over to Ireland, and were received and clothed and fed. (Prolonged cheers.) He asked those who wished to study (he Irish question to endeavor to gtuiy it from a common-sense point of view ; to look at ii simply and fairly, not as a class and sectarian question, but us one of liberty for the ,ople—-(loud applause)—a qmstion of allowing the peop'e of Ireland to be as free, qnd hold thpir laud npon a similar tenure, as the people of New Zealand. The delegates were endeavoring to rarke the tillers of the soil the owners of it, to b.'ng about the end of a system that was responsible for all the misfortunes and miseries in Jreknd. They were endeavoring to fix the Irish people upon the laud of their joirllq and to give a fair chance to'do the best they could in the country. To place in the hands of the people

the control of their own affairs. He took the opportunity of reminding them that the delegates came here to ask their assistance for the Irish tenants, and ask them to assist them to cairy on their organisation for the helpless and homeless. There were 500 families depending upon them for daily bread, and they had promised them they should not suffer for their bravery. They had told these people they believed they would coma back with enough money to keep them in their homes till Home Rule was granted to Ireland. They would keep their word if they had to turn out to break stones on the road to do it. (Loud applause.) They bad succeeded so far, thanks to theextraordinarygwnerosityof the people abroad, and they believed they would be able to carry it on until they had rooted the Irish peasantry upon the soil of Ireland, and they would go on until the Irish people could once more act as a free and self-governing nation.

Sir Thomas resumed his seat amidst loud and prolonged cheering. The chairman thought this was a fitting time to tell them what had been dc re towards the fund. They showed their sympathy by their presence, and be was pleased to say their contributions amounted to a considerable sura, more than he had ever expected. The amount collected was as follows Temuka and Pleasant Point £l5O ; Geraldine £B9 ; making a total of £230, which, considering the hard times, was highly satisfactory. The chiirmun next cdled upon the Rev. G. Barclay to move the first resolution. Mr B,.relay was received with, applause. Ha said he did not mean to inflict o lengthy speech. After hearing the speech of Sir Thomas Bstnonde they would have very little patience in listening to a speech by h'mself. Ha moved the following resolution “ That this meetis of opinion that Home Rule so far as it contemplates the amelioration of

matters agraihn and social in Ireland is worthy of all sympathy and support.” Continuing he said they had heard their distinguished guest say that one of tile objects of the mission to New Zealand was to enlighten persons who were possibly ignorant upon the hearings of this great question. He thought that was very clearly put, and that it was a capital object for him and his fellow delegates to have before them. One of the reasons

why ha was glad to see them was that be considered they were succeeding admirably in Brightening the people upon the great public question of Home Rule, (Applause). They ware succeeding in clearing away the mists that surrounded it. They were all aware that in certain

quarters very strange opinions had been formed of Home Rule. Some thought that Horae Rule was destined to smash op and disintegrate the British Empire, to snatch from the English regalia its brightest gem, the Irish nation, —(Loud cheer*)—to create at the door of Britain an independent end hostile people, taking the earliest opportunity t» revenge themselves for the pa«t, and whoso ports would ba open to the hostile navies of the world. He flamed Sir Thomas Esmondo that they were exceedingly glad that they wore oucceeding in dissipating that idea. He did not think it w the object of Home Rule to disintegrate the British Empire or to take one single iota from the prestige of the British Empire. (Loud applause). His own opinions on Home Rule had been formed for some time. When asked occasionally his views on the subject he was in the habit of referring anyone to the report of the first Home Rule meeting held atDub'nonMayli), 1870, at which meeting all classes and creeds ware represented. Mr Barclay here read an extract from the first Home Rule meeting hold in 1870, at which it was declared that the essentia", objects of the aieoeiation were obtaining for Ireland the right and privilege of managing her own affaire by a Parliament assembled in Ireland, composed of Her Majesty the Sovereign and her successors and the Lords and Commons of Ireland ; to secure for that Parliament under a federal r raegement, the right to

legislate and regulate for all matters relating t-) the internal affairs of Ireland ; to leave t) the Imperial Parliament the power of dealing with all the questions effecting the Imperial Crown and Government regarding the colonies and the dependencies of the Crown, the relations of the United Empire to foreign states, and all matters appertaining f o the defence and stability of the empire at large. To obtain such an adjustment of the relations between the two countries without any interference of the prerogatives of the Crown, or fny disturbance of the great principles of the empire. (Loud applause). Well, what more did they want ? Mr Barclay read a short extract from the speech of the Lord Chancellor of Ireland to the same effect, namely, that a clear end comprehensive distinction might be made between local and imperial legislation, the former with proper restrictions and safeguards to be left to the Irish nation itself, and the latter to the empire at large. These were the objects of Home Rule, and anything he might say would be governed by them. Loosing at the thing in its common-serre view what was there in it in the nature of an experiment? There were countries enjoying Homo Rule on eve j side. 1 1 America, Canada, in Australia, and in this colony they were all Home Rulers and it would be absurd to be anything else. Fancy tbo House ot Commons debating a question concerning the Midland Railway, and discussing the duty on tea and coffee in New Zealand, The idea was ridiculous. The people here would bo afraid of having their tea and coffee drrnk before it reached hero.

(Loud laughter). The delegates were succeeding in enlightening the public upon this question, |md they were impressing upon iho people that Home Rule wr a not only necessity but de irable in the very highest degree. One of the reasons upon that point was that if a question was to be settled requiring a great deal of experience the best people to consider and legislate upon the question were the people who lived on the spot. (Loud applause). It was not men who were tcross the sea a thousand miles away. It was the men among whom the

questions had arisen aud who knew all about it. Mr Barclay referred to the agitation that wts got up years ago when the Provincial Council sitting in Chris’ church administered the affairs of South Cant erbury, South Canterbury Bottlers were of opinion that they were nob getting their fair share of the money, &c., and so agitated, with the result that they got the Timxru rid Gladstone Board of Works,

which comprised some of the ablest men in the colony, and did a groat doe 1 , of good work. (Applar.e). They rirtup’ly got Home Rule. (Applause) He asked why Ireland should not have a Board of Works to manage her own internal

snd d mertic affairs. He considered it wj s the people themselves who could best eettle agrarian affairs. The men who had btd the experience of these agrr ian troubles; tho men who know what rack-renting was,

and had suffered tho oppression, these were the man that understood tho question, rmi - should have the chief hand i i settling and arranging tho question for thomiolvos. (Applruse) They were all tolerably well

aware ha', during the pant few yean coneiderablo improvements had taken place in agrarian affairs in Ireland. But while that was the owe ho did not think a finality had been reachedj and he did no* think a full solution of the problem had been found. He thought the solution was the enlargement of peasant proprietorship in Ireland. (Ap-

plause), A greater distribution of the soil as freehold among the people of Ireland. (Loud applause). He thought the toilers should become the owners of the land—(applause)—on a freehold basis. Ho asked, Would anyone that held a freehold in New Zealand exchange for the finest tenancy in Ireland. (Cries of "No.’') They all knew the sentiments they were apt to cherish with regard to their r Hve land. They deeply

loved and admired that land, and sometimes when they gathered round the blazing hearth on a winter’s night, and some book was rood, or gome talk had gone on, their imagination soared away to Ireland, and they thought of its lovely hills and valleys, iti sprinkling rivers, and its beautiful spots, and they thought they would like to be back again in their old home and old parish, but then again who here would exchange their freehold for the fairest holding in Ireland as a tenant only? Would their Connollys, their Burkes, their Geffaneys, or their McShanos do it ? (Loud cries of “No.”) No, certainly not. Ho was afraid ho was keeping them too long, (Loud cries of ‘ 1 No, no.”) Another argument in favor of

Homo Rule was one already touched upon ia the address read by Mr Twomey, and this was that the concession of Homo Rule would minimise the social friction between the people of Ireland and England, and would bring about a better state of feeling among Irishmen than at present oxirtod in respect to the different creeds, Ireland had been called the land of saints, Ha did not know whether they had lost their eaintlinojPj but it required a good deal to be kind to those who did them an inj ary. The coneession of Home

Rule would contribute to a better feeling, and evoke stronger sentiments of loyalty, and beget a deeper allegiance to the British Crown. (Cheers). Sir Thomas had referred to the period when Ireland had Home Rule, lie (Mr Barclay) asked had that period been marked by supreme peace and felicity. They were told no j that during a long period there were great troubles and great misfortunes, and that if

they had Home Rule to-morrow why should aofc the same thing occur again ? During a long period, from the 15th centu y to 1783, there was in force an Act called the Poyning’s Act. This Act enacted that in regard to certain measures the Irish Parliament were prohibited from initiating them, they must be initiated by the Privy Council across the channel, and some matters had to go across for ratification with the chances of being thrown out. ilia impression was that if Homo Rale was granted now it would fall on better times. He thought they were better educated and understood bettor the principles of fraternal brotherhood,—(Cheers)—and Homo Rule, if tried,

would work better than it had done before. They would be prepared *o recognise more fully the principles ol national law. He hoped they would receive this vote with enthusiasm, Ho expressed (ho hope that the aspirations of Ireland would soon be gratified ia a sympethotie, beneficent system of Home Rule, and that their gu:et, Sir Thomas Eimonde. and hie companions would be able to take back to Ireland a substantial subscription from Hew Zc?land for the relief of the distress in Irel? id—to the poor of that farfamed, beautiful, end much loved, somotimes

hated, and he must say unforbunste Emerald Isle. (Loud and prolonged cheers). The Eev. T. A. Hamilton, in seconding the motion, made a few amusing allusions to the difficulty of a man defining his natianality. He (the speaker) was an Irishman by birth, although ho was educated in England, and his ancestors, as the name denoted, were of Scotch extraction. Although, practically speaking, an Englishman, his feelings went with the Irish blood in his reins. He felt

that Ireland needed their sympathy, and, as far as he himself was concerned, or for anyone who ministered to the Gospel, ho thought to deny that sympathy would almost amount to a crime. (Applause.) Whateyer the mixed aspect of the question was, there could be no doubt that they in New*Zealand enjoyed the greatest liberty in the administration of their laws, and he saw no reason why Ireland should not enjoy a similar priyilege. (Loud applause.) It might be said—in fact, it had been ssid-—that Irishmen were not capable

of governing, but many of them would remember a statement that appeared in a recent issue of the Temoka Lbadeb where Lord Dufferin, speaking at a very brilliant assemblage at Belfast on the subject ot India, had said that with perfect truth Ireland as a whole had imported a vast amount of ability, industry, and valour ; nto the Indian Military and Civil Service. (Applause.) The present Viceroy, who had the supreme conduct of Indian affairs, was a Kerry nobleman, the Marquis of Lsnsdown ; Lord Connemara governed 30 million people in Madras; Sir Frederick Roberts, a Waterford man, commanded the armies of (he Empress of India; and His Lordship, after giving many other examples, wound up by declaring that the British Empire could not get on without Irishmen. (Applause.) This

showed that Irishmen were capable of governing when in responsible position l , and were, in fact, at the present time doing so wisely and well. (Loud applause.) He thought that the address had shown, in a temperate manner, that they do not wish to disintegrate the unity of the Empire. No cry of disloyalty should bo raised, When they thought of the time when the Duke of Wellington —himself an Irishman—had command of the armies at Waterloo, and at that critical moment cried “Up lads and at them,’’ (Applause) were Ireland’s sons behind ? No ! They, with Scotch and English alike, bled in one common union. They fought for the Empire they loved. (Great applause.)

Were Ireland 10-day granted the concession they asked for he had no fear that they would rebel against their sovereignty. Let those in the colony extend to them their sympathy — Man to man the world o’er ; Be brothers a’ tor a’ that.” (Applause.) Let them show that, as a free country, they could extend their sympathy to others, They might safely entrust this power to rule to those who have shown ability in governing others, (applause.) Let them hope that when the concession asked for was granted all crime and poverty would fade in the darkness that fades before the dawn, and that Ireland would become the brightest jewel Jin England’s crown. He was sure that here was not a man there

but would give a fervent Amen to the prayer “God Sfave the Queen.” (Prolonged applause and cheering.) Mr Quinn moved—“ That a hearty vote of thinks bo accorded to Sir Thomas Grattan Eamonde for hia able and clear exposi-

tion of Home Rule.” Ho wn sure that the motion would be carried more enthusiastically when he rem'ndad them

that they had upon their platform a descendant of the great and illustrious Grattan, (Applause), When ho and his colleagues had fiißO landed they (hia audience) knew that

many wero opposed to them, but he (the speaker) was g'ad to know that their opponents Rfo not? 00 per cast lose. When they left these chorea ho hoped they would be able to csy, “Gboi-bye Australia ..ad Now Zealand ; you have treated us well, wo hope wo

have done the same,” People told them that they had no right to allow the questions of Home Rule, etc., to be discussed and agitated

in the colony, but ho would remind them that ho had been driven to these shores by those laws, whose hardships they now sought to ameliorate, Upon that st.agi was the

motto of a society which embraced Englishmen, Irishmen, and Scotchmen—- “ Ouimnioh air na daoune o’u d’thanig thu,” the translation of which was “ Ramomber the people you coma from,” and he asked then were they doing any harm to the colony by assisting the people they came from ? The fact of their appearance that evening showed that they had stuck to that motto and he hoped and trusted that the day was not far distant when that gallant and united band of English, Irish, and Scotch would ba the means of obtaining Home Rule for Ireland. (Applause). Mr John Mundell seconded the motion. The question of Homo Rule was a sound and honest one, and had been treated by Sir T. Esmonde in moderate terms, The motion was put, and carried by acclamation, Mr T. Geaney called for three cheers for Sir Thomas Esmonde, and when these bad been heartily given another three rang out for '£ The Grand Old Man and Parnell,” Sir Thomas Esmonde in returning thanks said that ho did not require, nor was he

entitled to receive the vote of thank j tendered to him. As a matter of fact his thanks were due to them, and he thanked them individually and collectively for their donations. They had done nobly, and the treatment he and his colleague had received would give them courage to proceed. On many a hillside in Ireland prayers would bo offered up for those who had assisted them. He thanked the people who had inaugurated the meeting, and those who had taken so much trouble in the decoration of the hall. If he might, where all were so good, single out any indi-

vidual for special mention, it would be Mr J. M. Twomey, not only for the assistance given to the cause that night, but for the assistance he had given the cause for many a long year now. It was only right and fitting that when a nationalist Home Ruler came out from Ireland, and mot in this country one whom he might call a fellow soldier, like Mr Twomey, that he should thank him for his efforts in the past. Long ago, when it was not fashionable to be a Home Ruler, Mr Twomey had taken up the cause, and had done yeoman service on its behalf. He was

delighted to have this opportunity of conveying to him his appreciation of his actions during a long course of years, and he (Sir Thomas) was sure he was only expressing the wishes of many there when he expressed the wish that all sorts of good luck might follow him wherever he might go. (Loud cheers.) He then moved a rota of thanks to the chair; He might say that the meeting was a memorable one, from the fact that so many of the speakers were of mixed nationality. They were, however, all true metal, all Home Rulers. He had much pleasure in moying a vote of thanks to Mr Gray for occupying the chair that evening. The vote being duly accorded, the chairman briefly returned thanks. Hearty cheers were given for the Revs. Barclay and Hamilton, after whioh the meeting dispersed.

Mr John Dillon had an enthusiastic reception at Waimate on Wednesday, where he addressed a largo meeting in the evening, the Mayor presiding. His address was enthusiastically received, and a resolution in favor of Home Rule unanimously carried. Mr Steward, M.H.R., and Mr J. Sinclair spuke in fayor of the resolution. A purse and illuminated address were presented. Mr Dillon arrived at Dunedin on Thursday night, and was accorded a hearty reception and prosented with two addresses from the citizens of Dunedin and young colonists in fayor of Horne Rule for Ireland, He addressed a large crowd which escorted him from the railway station to Wain’s Hotel, and afterwards replied at length to the sentiments contained in the addresses.