The Daily News SATURDAY, MARCH 23, 1935. GOVERNMENT OF INDIA.

Taranaki Daily News, 23 March 1935, Page 6

The Daily News

SATURDAY, MARCH 23, 1935. GOVERNMENT OF INDIA.

OFFICES: NEW PLYMOUTH. Currie Street. STRATFORD, Broadyay, HAWERA, High Street.

The excitement over the new German declaration has diverted interest to some extent from the Government of India Bill now before the House of Commons. The publication of the criticisms of the Native Princes in regard to the Bill and the replies thereto of the Secretary for India, Sir Samuel Hoare, indicate, however, that , the Government is steadily pursuing the task of creating R new Constitution for India capable of development until full Dominion status has been reached. The criticisms of the Princes and the riots at Karachi, this week show how widespread the difficulties are. The princes are autocrats and, subject to the restraint of Britain as the suzerain Power, have been accustomed to govern as despots. They are asked to join in a Federation of Allrlndia, to accept, that is to say, the rulings of a Central Government, in which they will share, upon matters that affect pot any particular Prince’s territory alone but India as a whole. When one remembers how federation* in Australia was delayed, and how the scope of the Commonwealth’s Constitution was narrowed in order to placate the demand for S£ate rights, a demand that has not ceased to be articulate since federation was achieved, the difficulty of the position in India is more easily understood. In Australia there were no differences of race or religion to complicate the position. Each colony invited to federate owned allegiance to the same Sovereign and all had the same social outlook and desire for progress. In India the population of one State may have the utmost contempt for or the sincerest fear of that of another. The Princes are haughty where their personal dignity is concerned and, not unnaturally, suspicions in regard to any new form of government that may interfere with the absolute autocracy they have wielded without fear since British rule made war between the native States impossible. Though it is regrettable that at first the Indian Princes rejected the Bill, Sir Samuel Hoare’s reply to their objections indicates the sincerity v of his desire to convince rather than to threaten, and to appreciate the difficulties facing the Princes as well as the Government in framing the new Constitution. For while the Native Princes are autocrats there are certain lines of conduct they must conform to or be removed by banishment or the assassin. Indian history is full of warnings that even a despot unless he is strong enough to enforce his will must not run counter to popular feeling on matters of tradition or religion unless he wishes a swift end to his career. In many States the vision of All-India as one entity is beyond the comprehension of the common people. They know their State, its ruler and its traditions. They have during the past century come to accept British overlordship as granting peace and security, but to most of them even Britain’s power is but the shadow behind the throne of their own ruler. That he should, so to speak, share that throne with other rulers in India for India’s common good would be an action requiring much education before such communities could comprehend it aright, and much wisdom on the part of the Princes concerned if they would avoid inflaming susceptibles in a manner that would lead to violence.' How easily peace can be disturbed has been demonstrated by this week’s happenings at Karachi. There a criticism of the Moslem religion by a Hindu writer led to his murder, the

execution of the murderer, and finally riots in which many lives have been lost. To talk, as have some of the Government’s opponents in the House of Commons, of giving immediate selfgovernment to communities so lacking in self-control and in knowledge of the duties of autonomy seems highly mischievous, while the speeches of critics at the other extreme who see no reason for any change in methods of governing India are equally dangerous in that they ignore the change in public opinion there since Indian troops fought as voluntary allies of Britain in the Great War. As General Smuts said recently at Capetown, the West can only hold the East by friendly means, although with the strength to prevent injustice if such protection is required. The proposals for the new government of India are based upon that principle, and it is to be hoped the rulers of the Native States will prove willing and able exponents of a policy that is intended to make India a nation and a self-governing nation at that.