A BOMBASTIC MANIFESTO.

Taranaki Daily News, 1 May 1923, Page 4

A BOMBASTIC MANIFESTO.

If it is possible to discover any merit in the bombastic manifesto issued by de Valera, it can only be that the tone is consistent with all his pronouncements. Although he must fully realise that he has practically reached the end of his tether, and that the Constitutional Government of Ireland has succeeded in breaking the neck ! of the republican rebellion, he cannot resist the temptation of continuing his theatrical pose as the arbiter of his country’s destiny. There is a decidedly Gilbertian touch about his method of dictating terms of peace, as if he were a Napoleon flushed with victory, instead of a spent force reduced to desperate methods of disguise in order to escape capture and trial. As head of the rebels who have a long list of murders, incendiaries, and horrible outrages as the result of their defiance of the constituted Government and its laws, there is an amazing audacity in his claim that the authors and perpetrators of a persistent campaign of destruction of life and property shall be treated as innocent men and women, merely giving up their arms and munitions, while all prisoners shall be released. Such a monstrous claim would be ’ a formidable demand under the most favorable circumstances, but in view of the fact that de Valera is quite unable to control the extremists of his party, who, having tasted blood, have become so demoralised that their regeneration cannot be expected, no sane Government could possibly treat such peace overtures except with scorn and derision. What guarantees has de Valera to offer that the peace he proposes is possible of attainment ? Absolutely none. Experience has shown that this verbose dictator cannot bo relied upon either to adhere to the wording or the spirit of a pact, and that he is an adept in creating loopholes of escape from any pledge, and to raise aloft his banner of rebellion and defiance at the slightest provocation. Instead of pleading for mercy, he arrogantly dictates terms which chiefly consist of protection for ruthless criminals, merely stipulating that ‘‘all alleged criminals shall be dealt with by representatives of the Free State and republicans, with Monsignor Luzio as chairman.” If de Valera is in earnest about peace for Ireland, let him surrender to the authorities and stand his trial in a court of law. Without doubt the Free, State Government would guarantee him, and a/1 others inculpated in the horrors of the rebellion, a fair and impartial trial, and that such sentences as may be imposed would be just. These rebels have inflicted immense losses on the country. They have lost their campaign, and should be ready to meet the consequences. De Valera’s proposals are such as can only be construed as pertaining to a truce that will give the chief actors in the tragedy time and opportunity to escape so as to avoid punishment. It is somewhat impossible to conceive that the Free State Government can treat the manifesto as a serious move to end hostilities, especially as that Government is now in a position to stamp out its enemies, who have ceased to count. Evidently de Valera still regards himself as the head of the Republican Government in Ireland, and in that capacity blatantly proclaims that his Government is anxious to contribute its share to the movement of peace. Not a word is used to denote loyalty to the British Crown—an omission significantly demonstrating his determination to draw the line of cleavage at the point where he started his secession campaign. The Free State fixed its constitution without de Valera’s help, and is hardly likely to amend it at his dictation ft would seem that the task of that Government is to continue its efforts to suppress the rebels, and the sooner that is done the sooner will a real peace be established.