The Daily News. MONDAY, FEBRUARY 3, 1919. THE REVOLT OF LABOR.

Taranaki Daily News, 3 February 1919, Page 4

The Daily News. MONDAY, FEBRUARY 3, 1919. THE REVOLT OF LABOR.

In a recent editorial, the London Times, according to a cable message, expressed the view that, underneath the strike movement, there is a deliberate intention to terrorise the public, and by violence to realise the hope of bringing about Bolshevism. At first sight this may seem to be an extreme view, but a study of the evolution of the present movement justifies the conclusion arrived at by the Times. It was manifest during the Avar period that the workers had got out of control by the Unions, evidenced by the frequency of unauthorised strikes organised by shop committees and not by the unions. A' revolt of this nature indicates that there has been sinister influence at work. Unfortunately the trouble is not only spreading, but becoming terroristic. Glasgow reports an outbreak of rowdyism, and at Belfast there have been widespread burglaries and looting owing to the dark streets. The scourge of Bolshevism is becoming a menace to civilisation. It appears to be taking hold of the thoughtless and selfish section of the workers, leaving the saner and more patriotic section helpless to stem the wave of anarchistic revolt, which is as inimical to the best interests of labor as it is to ordered democracy. In the past the trade unions have labored successfully in the interests of the workers, not infrequently insisting on conditions that were neither just nor necessary, but they have now lost their ! grip of the men, who resent control in any shape or form. Hence the genesis of a social revolution that bids fair to overthrow the industrial system by the introduction of syndicalism and direct action. There has been a drawing together- of the extremists in a i way that will delight the hearts of the Bolsheviks and give credence to their boast that Bolshevism will rale the world. During the war certain obligations were imposed on the workers to refrain from strikes, but now the conditions have altered and demobilisation ia feared as a factor that will prass hardly on the men. It was stated in a recent cable message from London that the best judges considered there was no reason for panic, and that the younger workers were taking advantage of the transitional period, in which many industries are in a seini-chaotic state, to secure increases in wages and shorter hours—practically a five-dav working week. It is admitted that the men have, in the past, been overworked and underpaid, but during the war period they reaped a rich harvest, and there is very little doubt that the prospect, of returning to a more normal state of industrial activity is partly the reason for the present upheaval. The typical strike leaflet which was mentioned in the cables gives color to this view, and its terms are worthy of note. It runs:

"A thousand vwkmen oro betnff df-moblllsed dnily. Over ti hundred thousand worVor: hnvo been dismissed from civil employment The only remedy is no one must work more than forty hours; no reduction in w.ascs and no overtime." When demobilisation took place, substituted men were dismissed and the strikes took place—not against the reinstatement of the s( ldiers, but in favor of the retention of the wartime-miners. There appears to be no doubt that the irresponsible younger men have Übecoine

ties ol Bolshevik tactics as a means of obtaining their demands by intimidation, and the legislature will be compelled to devote serious attention to devising effective means for combatting this intimidation. That the situation is serious seems beyond dispute, and it calls for prompt alleviation. It is unthinkable that just as the post-war problems are being solved and the process of reconstruction being carried out, that the whole industrial fabric should be at the mercy of anarchistic extremists. The reason why Britain entered the war was to secure the triumph of right over might, and no sooner has tiiat military struggle been brought to a successful issue, than there has arisen a similar struggle in the industrial world, and against the advocates of might in this conflict there can be no truce nor treaty The responsibility for taking action against the irreconcilables rests with the Government. With the saner section the employers will probably be able to deal, but it has to be remembered that Britain is now bearing the most severe economic strain in her history, so that while giving the workers a fair deal, it must be recognised that the time is not favorable for large increases in wages or granting a six-hours day. Logical argument, however convincing, is jf no avail with the class of men who a.o bent on adopting Bolshevik tactics. The fact that there was a community of sacrifice during the war is no reason why communistic principles should govern labor and capital." Britain and her Allies have been so drained of resources that it is imperative for them to build up their wer.lth with due regard to the just claims of the workers, yet the present labor upheaval will, if not abated, check instead of increase production. To allow this evil to exist would certainly be suicidal policy. Therefore steps should be taken to make labor conditions just and reasonable so that the wage earners may not be overworked nor underpaid, and their conditions of living be made more in accord with a healthy and happy existence. That would seem to be the first step, and then would come any necessary legislation for putting an end to industrial strife, especially that which defies order and authority. Tt is matter for regret that the action of the extremists must inevitably reflect on the loyal workers who did such splendid service during the war period, but they have an opportunity now of:' backing up the Government in progressive Socialistic legislation, and setting an example to the malcontents by taking a reasonable and just view of wages and hours of work.