AN IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.

Taranaki Daily News, Volume LV, Issue 209, 5 April 1913, Page 4

AN IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.

Most advocates of Imperial federation are satisfied that, to bring about an effective union between Great Britain and the oversea dominions, something more is necessary than occasional conferences and the representation of the dominions on the Committee of Defence or on the Privy Council. Even preferential tariffs between the Mother Country and the daughter lands would not 1)8 sullieient to weld them together in one homogeneous Empire or "company of nations." There must be some form of legislative ami administrative union—in other words, a truly Imperial Parliament, in which each part of the Empire should have representation in proportion to its population. It will be some time before Great Britain is ripe for the creation of such a Parliament. As necessary preliminaries, there must first be something like "Home Rule all round," along with an assimilation of the franchise in the Mother Country and the dominions. Meantime, the way is being paved for these consummations. It is some thirty years since Mr. Gladstone declared: "Parliament is over-weighted; Parliament is almost overwhelmed"; hut the English people as a whole are just beginning to realise how true this is, and how urgent is the need for devolution. In the course of a speech in the House of Commons in December last, Mr. Bonar Law said that "under the system under which we are working, the House of Commons has ceased to be a legislative assembly in any sense of the term." Parliament has become, to all intents and purposes, a mere machine for registering the will of the Ministry of the day. Jl'he "guillotine" and various other deriees for shortening debates have not been adopted through any desire on the. part of Ministers. to exercise despotic power, but simply as 'a'means of getting through the great and growing volume of business. The adoption of those methods, however, has resulted in the complete paralysis of Parliament as a deliberative body. Following upon a recognition of this truth must come a demand for a return to sounder constitutional methods. Lord Hythe, in the course of a recent public address, dwelt upon these tendencies, and put in a strong plea for reform. He pointed out that the British Parliament at present attempted the discharge of three different sets of duties—(l) the management of the separate affairs of England, Ireland and Scotland; (2) the management of the affairs of the United Kingdom as a whole; and (3) the management of the affairs of the Empire. It is not to he wondered at, in these circumstances, that Parliamentary Government seems to have broken down—that Scottish business is neglected, that Ireland's progress towards her goal of self-govern-ment is unconscionably slow, and that Knglish people are beginning to complain that matters which concern themselves only are frequently decided by the votes of, Irish and Scottish members. As Lord Hythe very cogently put it, Home Rule is becoming as great a necessity for England as for Ireland and Scotland. The remedy, as he sees it—and as the people overseas have seen it for many years—is "Home Rule all round," with a closely federated Empire, whose joint affairs should be looked after by an Imperial Parliament, while local Legislatures should attend to the needs of the component States. There is no reason why steady effort should not be directed towards this goal, arid Lord Hythe expiessed the opinion that a Federal system similar to that of Canada or Australia would be found to answer very well for the Empire as a whole. Under such a system, it seems to us, business would be expedited and all ground of discontent would disappear. Administration would be decentralised and would gain in efficiency. Each division of the Empire would he free, as the dominions are, to make its own laws, appoint its own Ministers and carry out its work of development without the interference of other parts. England would then be in no danger of having her national church disestablished and disendowed at the bidding of a majority largely made up of Scottish and Irish members, while Ireland, Scotland and Wales would be similarly free to shape their destinies in accord with their own ancient laws and traditions. The Imperial Parliament would include in its functions mutters affecting the Empire as a whole, such • s defence, international relations, peace and war, and legislation on matters in which uniformity is desirable, such as the marriage and divorce laws, citizenship and its rights, patents, copyright, etc. The constitution and meetingplace of this Imperial Parliament present many difficulties, but these are not insuperable. It is well not to anticipate them, but to grapple with them in detail as they arise. The important thing is to make a start, for, in the words of the adage, "a thing begun is half done." A suggestion was thrown out by Lord llylhe that a beginning might be made by having representatives ■if the dominions in the House of Lords. In view of the possibility of this idea being .acted upon, significance is given to •lie rumor that has obtained circulation. Id the effect that Mr. Alfred Deakiu admittedly Australia's greatest statesman -who recently retired from political life, will probably be created a viscount, with a seat in the House of Lords. It is in just some such tentative way that we should expect British statesmen to set about the formation of an Imperial Parliament. It is conceivable that men such as Sir Wilfred L-.nrier, General Botha and Sir Joseph Ward might also be called to the House of Lords, to represent Canada, South Africa and New Zealand respectively, and that in course of time the number of oversea representatives might be largely increased. Of course, this would not constitute anything like an Imperial Parliament, but it would be a step towards one. Before

tlio Empire can lie (irmly welded together there must he ;t Parliament representative! of every different division, elected on ii population basis. This is at [ireseat impracticable, owing efiielly to the expense to the dominion* of sending representatives lo London: hut that it will be realised some day we tia-ve no doubt.