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DETAILS OF THE SPEECH.

INSISTENCE ON OPEN DIPLOMACY (Australian :ind N.Z. Cable Association) (Received Feb. 12, 8.30 p.m.) Washington, Feb. 11. Addressing Congress to-day, President Wilson said that following hiss and Mr Lloyd George's addresses on the subject of the war, Count Hertling and Count Czernin had replied on January 24th. He £.aid: "It is gratifying to have our desire so prominently relieved that all exchanges of views on this great matter should be made in the hearing of all the world. Count Czernin's reply was uttered in a very friendly tone, he having found in my statement a sufficiently encouraging approach to the vie"ws of his own Government, to justify him in: believing that it furnishes a basis for a | more detailed discussion of purposes by \ the two Governments. He has been re- j presented to have intimated that I knew' beforehand his views, but as a matter of fact I had received no intimation thereanent. There was no reason why ho should communicate with me privately, and I am quite content to be one of Ins public audience. "Count Hertling's reply was very vague and confusing, and full of equivocal phrases, but it was in a very, different tone from Count Czernin's and ■was apparently of opposite purpose. It seems to confirm the unfortunate impression made by what we learned of the Brest Litovsk conference. His discussion and acceptance of our general principles lead him to no practical conclusion. He refuses to apply them as substantive items, and he is jealous of international action and international counsel. He accepts the principle of public diplomacy, but insists that it shall be confined in this case to generalities, and wants particular questions of territory and sovereignty^ discussed and settled severally by the nations most immediately concerned by interest or neighbourhood. He agrees that the seas must be free, but looks askance at limitation of that freedom by international action in the interest of common order. He would be glad to see economic barriers removed between nation and nation, as that would in no way impede the ambitions of "the military party with whom he seems constrained to keep on terms. He does not raise any objection to limitation of armaments, but he thinks that the matter will be settled of jtself by the economic conditions which must follow the war. He demands the return without debate of the German colonies, and will discuss only with the Russians what disposition shall be made of the Baltic provinces and peoples; only with the French the conditions under which French territory shall be evacuated, and only -with Austria what shall be done with Poland. Regarding the. Balkans, he defers . to Austria and Turkey, and concerning the non-Turkish peoples of the present Ottoman Empire to the Turkish autt- ' orites themselves. One and all these ' questions mi st be settled by indiviI dual concession and barter. He would | have no objection to a league of na-

i tioits which would undertake to hold ': a new balance of power steady against | external disturbance.. However, .no : peace arrived at in such a fashion would be acceptable to the world. That was tte method of the Congress of Vienna, and we do not intend to return to that period. "The peace of the world is at stake. :We are striving for a new international order based u,pon broad universal prinj ciples of right and justice, and no mere peace of shreds and patches. ..'!& j it possible that Count Hertling cannot see it and cannot grasp it ? Is he in

fact living if thought in a world that is dead and gone? Has he forgotten tie Reichstag resolutions of July 19th, or does he deliberately ignore them ? They spoke of a general peace, not. of national aggrandisement or arrangements between State and State. A permarent peace must be attained, and

this is not possible unless the problems are dealt with- in a spirit of unselfish and vnbiassed justice with a view fo' the wishes, natural connections, racial aspirations, and security and peace of mind of tie peoples involved. They cannot be discussed separately in corners, but they affect all mankind and must "be so regarded. Nothing settled by military force, if settled wrong, is settled at all. Public men are now speaking in the court of mankind, and the Reichstag by the resolutions of July accepted the decisions of that court that, there shall be ro annexations, no eohtribu.tions, and no punitive damages^ Peoples are not to be handed from one sovereignty to another by an understanding between rivals. Natioral aspirations must be respected, and in future statesmen must not ignore the right of self-determination. "The United States does not desire to interfere in European affairs or act as arbiter in European territorial disputes. She entered this war because she was made a partner in the sufferings and indignities inflicted by the military masters of Germany against the peace and security of mankind

"The conditions of peace will touch tie United States as nearly as they will touch any other nation which is entrusted with a leading part in the maintenaree of civilisation. She cannot see the way to peace until the causes of this war have been removed and its renewal made as nearly as may be impossible. The Avar tad its roots in disregard of the rights of small nations and the nationalites •which lacked union ard force to make good their right to self-determina-tion. It is necessary that a covenant shall be entered into for the future to ensure these rights for small nations. If, as Cou,nt Hertling proposes, territorial settlements and political relations of great populatiors are to be determined by contracts of powerful Governments, why not economic questions also? Justic© and tte rights of peoples affect the whole field of international dealing as much as access to raw materials and equal conditions of trade. Count Hertling warts the essential basis of commercial and indt.istrial life to be safeguarded by common agreement and guarantee, but he cannot expect that it will bo conceded him if the other articles of peace are not handled in the same way. He cannot ask for the- benefit of common agreement in one field wittout according it in the other.

"Count Czernin seems to see the fundamental elements of peace with clear eyes, and he does not seem to obscure them." H© sees that an independent Poland is a matter of European concern, that. Belgium must be evacuated and restored, that national aspirations must be satisfied, even with his own Empire, in the common interest of Europe and mankind. He is naturally silent about questions touciing their terest and purpose of his allies, because he feels constrained, I suppose, to defer to Turkey and Germany in the circumstances, but he feels that Austria can respond to the purpose of peace as expressed by the United States vsitfr less embarrassment than could Germany. He would probably have gone further but for the embarrassment of Austria's alliances and her deperdence upon Germany. After all the test of whether it is possible for either Government to go any further in this comparison of views is simple I and obvious, the principles being tte&e:

' 'First: Each part of the final result must be based on the essential justice of that particular case, and upon such adjustments as are most likely to bring permanent peace.

"Secbnd: That peoples ard provinces shall not be bartered about as if they b ere mere chattels and pawns in the game, even the great game now for ever discredited of tie balance of power, but that

"Third: Every territorial settlement involved in this war must he made in the interest and for the benefit of the potilation concerned, ard not as an ad-

justment or compromise by rival States.

"Fourth: All well defined national aspirations Bhall be accorded the u.tmost satisfaction that can be accorded them without introducing or perpetuating discord and antagonism ttat would be likely in time to break the peace of Europe and the world.

"A gercral peace on s\.ch foundations can be discussed. Until then we have no choice but to go on. These principles are now universally recognised except by the military and an-t nexationist party in Germany. "We en- [ tered this war upon ro small occasion, and. we can never turn back from the course we have chosen upon principle. Our resources are partly mobilised, and vie stall not pause until they are mobilised in their entirety. Our armies are rapidly going to the fighting front, and they will go more and more rapidly. Our whole strergth will be put into this war of emancipation. Having set our hand to the task of achieving a. new order under which reason, justice and the common interest of mankind shall prevail, we shall not turn back. "I have thus spoken that the whole world may know the spirit of America, that our passion for justice ard selfgovernment is no mere passion of words but a passion which once set in action must be satisfied. The power of the United States will never be used in aggression, or for tte aggrandisement of any selfish interest of our own period. It sprir gs out of freedom, and is' for the service of freedom." .

CABLE NEWS.

[Pkess Association.—Coptbight.]

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Bibliographic details

Colonist, Volume LX, Issue 14635, 13 February 1918, Page 12

Word Count
1,550

DETAILS OF THE SPEECH. Colonist, Volume LX, Issue 14635, 13 February 1918, Page 12

DETAILS OF THE SPEECH. Colonist, Volume LX, Issue 14635, 13 February 1918, Page 12