THE ELECTION FOR THE CITY.

Colonist, Volume XII, Issue 1173, 22 December 1868, Page 3

THE ELECTION FOR THE CITY.

THE NOMINATION.

On Friday last, the nomination of candidates to serve as a member of the JNew Zealand Parliament for the City of Nelson, took place ia the Provincial Hall, when a large ( number of electors were present. The ■Returning Officer having read the writ, Dr. Irvine proposed Joseph Shephard, Esq., as a fit and proper person to represent the City of Nelson in the House of Representatives, and in doing so said that he felt how responsible was the task assigned to him, but as it had been the wish of Mr. Shcphard's Committee, he could not decline to undertake the duty, and he hoped to secure the attention of those present, who, he was sure, would accord the same indulgence to the proposer and seconder of Mr. Edwards. The first thing for the electors to consider •was, what kind of man they should send to the House ; and it appeared to him that what they required in their representative was, that ho should be able in the present critical state of the colony to adopt a wise policy, and having done that to do justice to that policy. Mr. Shephard had, both in letters and in his speech, shown what he considered the best line of conduct to adopt, and in all this he (Dr. Irvine) perfectly agreed. Mr. Shephard had devoted much time and attention to the question of finance, not only in view of the present occasion, for more than a year ago he had delivered a remarkably able and practical address on the financial and general state of the Colony. With regard to the native war, his views appeared to entirely coincide with those of the electors, as he wa9 not content to fall back upon the Queen's troops, who had shown themselveß iucompetent for the task of subduing the Maoris. Another feature was the maintenance or subversion of the Provinces. Until the lastfew days he had been doubtful as to Mr. Shephard's views, but after the meeting of Tuesday last he was perfectly satisfied, and felt sure that the man who would throw himself so frankly and fearlessly on the side of Provincialism deserved the support of the electors. It was a matter of surprise to him, in this crisis, to find the editor of the Colonist, for some inscrutable reason, opposing a Provincial candidate. [Mr. Luckie : No.] At all events he had done so the other night, whatever course he might pursue for the future. With regard tp, personal qualifications, people might say that it did not matter whom they sent to Parliament, bo that they voted right. This was a mistaken idea, and it would be an advantage to them that Mr. Shephard was able to make statesmanlike, forcible speeches. It was a matter of great importance that the member for an important place like Nelson should be able to give a reason for the faith that was in him. It had always been a matter of pride to this town that it had returned the first men in New Zealaud —men whose speeches would pass muster in the House of Commons —and he (Dr. Irvine) hoped that it would always continue to be so. Mr. Stafford no doubt would be prepared to carry out the spoliation of the provinces, and the most efficient way of resisting this would be to send men who, in good speaking, could urge cogent, reasons against this. Mr. Curtis, our other member, was one who was much respected and looked up to in the House ; and Mr. Shephard, from being able to form an independent opinion and express the same clearly, would be a valuable coadjutor to him. He (Dr. Irvine) practised a profession whose motto was, " Like cures like," and he thought that if a clever man like Mr. Stafford was working us harm, the best remedy was to send in another clever man to act against him. Mr. Shephard would be able to remain in Wellington throughout the session; this was what Mr. Curtis could not do, and that was a loss to the province. With regard to the other candidate he was placed in a difficulty. Mr. Shepherd's opinions he knew, but he had had no opportunity of becoming acquainted with Mr. Edwards', and must therefore fall back on generalities. It hod been stated as a strong reason for returning Mr. Edwards that he had made a large fortune; he did not doubt it, and if that were all that ■were wanted he would support him. In the business of making money Mr. Edwards had been most successful, but that was not what was wanted in a representative. [A Voice :We want them to save money.] There were different kind of business; the business of [making money and that of making laws were entirely different, and a person might succeed in doing , the one, and yet fail in doing the other. Again, Mr. Shephard had displayed great powers and' the qunlities of a statesman ; Mr. Edwards might, for anything ho knew, have the same, but he had not shown them. Ho had hid his light under a bu«hel. It had been said that Mr. Sheph-ird, as compared to his opponent, was a poor man. Was this an objection ? Looking at England they would see that when the rich men had the levying of taxes in their own hands, they made them to fall heavily on the working classes, and there was the same danger in "the Oolonv. Let him instance the "Public Debts Act." Who carried out that flagitious measure, ■which robbed us of a quaver of a million? Was it the ■poor men ? No, the men of affluence, who, by that iniquitous measure, added largely to their own means. With regard to Mr. Edwards's capacity, it would be remembered that some three months since, at a crowded meeting, resolutions condemnatory of the Government policy, and also of Mr. Stafford, were passed, and that the Chairman was requested to give effect to them, but that only press tolegratns ■were sent, and no intimation to Mr. Stafford. Ho (Dr. Irvine) did not accuse Mr. Edwards of intentionally burking the intentions of the meeting, but this deplorable bungle simply showed that Mr. Edwards was not even equal to the discharge of the plainest and easiest duties of a public men. Dr. Irvine concluded by proposing Mr. Joseph Shephard ns a .fit and proper person to represent tho City of Nelton. (Loud applause.) Mr. J. Burnett seconded the nomination. Mr. KINGDON (who was received with mingled cheer 3 and hisses) said he had the very oleasing duty to perform in proposing Nathaniel Edwards, Esq. Ho agreed with Dr. Irvine that Nelson had sent abl« men to the Assembly. Mr. Curtis was one of great business ability, and he now asked them to send another roan of similar business capacity. It had been said that because Mr. Edwards was a rich man he was therefore incompetent—[Dr. Irvine : No.] — and that they had better send a man who was not wealthy; but Mr. Edwards was a man who, with his business ability, which had produced his wealth, would bo of great service to the country. (Hear, hear.) Mr. Edwards had come here a youth, and by his indomitable energy, prudence, knowledge of business, and perserrerance, had raised him to tho position he now occupied. Ho had made money in the place, and l'omained in the place to spend it, in preference to going to England to spend his fortune there, as bo many had d»ne beforo him. Mr. Edwards had not yet had time to describe his policy, having so lately been applied to by a body of electors to come forward, but he would lay hia views before the meeting, and they would ascertain what hia opinions were. (Applause.) Mr. Robert Bray seconded the nomination. Mi". Edwards was quite able and willing to maintain the position of Nelson in the House of Representatives. You want to send men to the Houso who will save the money of the country. (Hear, hear; and a Voice: They spend our money, and do not save it.) Mr. Edwards is a business man, and it is men of that load, with good commercial knowledge, who are wanted to do the business of the country. (Hear, hear, and a hiss.) Never mind the snakes, we know them. Tha business and commercial men of England, Cobden, Bright, and others, have caused the reforms of England: (Hear, hoar, applauae and hisses.) There was no doubt about that, however some may hiss. There was another reason, which was that Mr. -jShephard, in his own district, the Waimeas, where he was well known, some time ago asked the electors to make him a member of the Assembly, and was rejpeted. [Mr. Webb : What notice did he give.] Mr. Shephard tried it and was rejected. [Voices : " It's a false statement." " It's not." " It's true," and uproar.] It was no false statement; it was a fact; Mr. Shephard was rejected, and Mr. Baigeht *m elected in hid own district, (Cries of hear, hear,

and disturbance.) Mr. Edwards, with his great commercial and financial ability, would be of great use to the Colony, and a credit to the Province. It had been said that lie was not a practised speaker ; but leave him alone for that, when the time einno he | would show that he could speak on those subjects which he understand best, and which most concerned the welfare of the Colony. There was iho Public Debts Acts, that disgraceful measure; had Mr. Edwards, with his financial and commercial ability, been in the House at that time, he (Mr. Burns) believed that measure would never have be >n passsed. (Hear, hear.) Ho would have detected the gross error in that act which lias lost so much money to the Colony. (Hear, hear.) It seemed to him almost that it was done merely to entrap Nelson, and rob her of her savings, and it was our lato member, Mr. Stafford, who led the country into I hat disgraceful act because Nelson was one of the few really solvent Provinces in the Colony. He considered that Mr. Edwards was capable of rendering great services to the Colouy, and tho Province, and well qualified to undertake the responsible position of a representative of the City of Nelson. (Hear, hear, and hisses.) Mr. Shephard, who was received with loud cheers, said : Mr. Returning Officer and gentlemen, it is so short a time since I addressed you on the line of policy I considered the best to be adopted that I shall not weary you with a repetition of that speech._ The course before me to-day is to otfer some explanation on questions that were misunderstood on Tuesday last, also on some personal matters, on both of which I hope to satisfy you. By soa.e misunderstanding, Mr. Luckie stated that in my remarks on General and Provincial taxation I advocated two distinct systems, but Mr. Luckie is cgregiously mistaken. I know as well as he that such a plan would not workand as it was one of the questions brought promi, nently forward I will say a few words on the details. Supposing the House of Representatives were to see the advantage of doing away with a portion of the Customs duties, and raising an Income Tax, and at the same time giving the provinces power to raise revenue in a similar manner. This, I say, might be done at the same time, and by the same officers working for both; that is, if the General Government require sixpence in the pound, and the Provincial Government threepence, the officers would have to raise ninepence in the pound. Mr. Lttckib :Is not that two taxes? Mr. Shephard :No it is not. Mr. Luckie :It means a local and general tax, and is therefore double. (Heur, hear.) Mr. Shephard ■ I think, Mr. Luckie, it would be better for you to reserve your remarks till I have done. Ido not think it the duty of an Editor of a newspaper to come here for the purpose of preventin" my speaking, and I appeal to the meeting to protect me. All of you must be aware that the Customs duties are most' oppressive on those who have the greatest number to feed and clothe. I would wisli to see introduced what is called Mr. Curtis's pet . scheme ; for if that were carried out the taxes might be reduced on many little luxuries that the workingman has a right to enjoy. Revenue would then be raised from those who' draw large incomes from the country but do not help her revenues. While we are struggling for bare existence, they are enjoying the fruits of our toil. lam no advocate for class legislation, but bare-handed justice for all; and this wish to lower the Customs tariff is no electioneering cry; for we find that cool, calm statesman, Mr. Richmond, stating in the House that at present the working-classes pay more than their fair share. Some change must, therefore, be made. With regard to personal matters, lam charged, I think unfairly, in the Colonist with withholding my views from the people. On the question that caused the vacancy which has now brought us together, I was the first person to speak against the Government Financial Scheme, and since then I have placed my views more fully in the Examiner. I think, therefore, that I may be acquitted of reticence. Ano'her charge brought by the Colonist is, that lam afraid to show my hand. But having shown my views a year and a'-half ago, I had nothing more to show ; my cards might all be read. I trust you will pity the blushes of a modest, man on reading his own praises, but I am compelled to read for your instruction the views entertained by the Editor of the Colonist on the 28th June, 1867 :— If Mr. Joseph Shephavd, the candidate for the representation of the Waimeas in the House of Kepresentatives, ia to be judged by the speeches ho hiw delivered, particularly !>f his first speech to ths electors of Richmond, he i 3, beyond doubt, one of ths ablest and best-informed Ciindidates that ever appeared on a hustings in Nelson province. In no political speech that we ever listened to within the past four or five years was there displayed, incidentally too, a more well-grounded knowledge of the lending principles of governmertal science—of the influence and incidence of taxation, together with a ripo acquaintance with the maxims of political economy bearing on the action of direct and indirect taxation ; and, tosay the least, tlie speech far surpasses the great majority of JSTew Zealand speeches which we evev read or listened to. * * * We can only say that we should be (.'lad to see a score of honest men returned to the House of Representatives professing the principles and doctrines which Mr. Shephard's addresses conlain. I will not say that I was the best or the worst man, but you know the best man does not always win, and so the Colonist appeared to think after my defeat for the Wiiimea, for it said of me : — Mr. Shephard, whose political opinions, as expressed in his speeches, are as souud as any we have read in tho colony. I still hold the same ooinions, and I think I may fairly, on the grounds of principle and honour, claim the "support of Mr. Luckio and his friends. Mr. Luckie, the other night, declared his ignorance of the feeling in England on the subject of a small Income Tax;"but because I have watched these things it i does not follow that they are not to be placed before you until they have passed through Mr. Luckie's mind and the pages of the Colonist. When first we heard of Mr. Stafford's election for Timaru, both Mr. Edwards and myself were spoken to about coming forward. I was induced to place myself before you, but Mr. Edwards, with the modest reluctance of the bashful maiden, who, Whispering she would ne'er consent, consented. Did not come forward until he had received a requisition. This requisition speaks of his success in business; and his proposer and seconder speak of his fortune, &c, and proceed to throw a bag of gold nfc our heads. Success no doubt is a great virtue—charity covers a multitude of Bins, but a still broader cloak is to be found in success. The goal which Mr. Edwards has placed before him has been to gain a fortune, and lie lias succeeded, but other men havo other ambitions, such as cultivating their intellects and bearing through life a spotless name. I have not succoeded in making a fortune, but I have, I hope, succeeded in tho other direction. lam not so rich as Mr. Edwards, consequently not so fit to represent you. This is the argument used against me—pushed to its logical conclusion it means that moral worth and honesty depend on the balance you have at your banker's. In old countries there is an aristocracy of rank and birth, and if any of the present owners prove unworthy we still remember that they represent the glorious past. We have not thia aristocracy here, but we have others. There is the aristocracy of genius—heaven's noblest gift; again there is tho aristocracy of virtue, and I would ask is there one amongst us who would see these | succumb to the aristocracy of mere wealth ? I would not have referrod to this subject, had it not been used against me, and I entirely exonerate Mr. Edwards from any of these proceedings, but no doubt; ho has found in business and elsewhere that principals must suffer from tho indiscretion of their agents. Another statement has been made, that I come forward to seek Government employment, this I wish to tell you is utterly unfounded. When you havo Mr. Edwards' views before you, you can judge between us, if you elect me I will do my best to serve yon, if not, I will again retire to my quiet country life. Mr. Edavauds then came forward and was received with cheers. He said : Perhaps I may appear before you in a somewhat singular position, in thus ofFering myself as a candidate to fill the place vacated by Mr. Stafford, who had been for so long a period your representative in the House. I use the word singular because until the last ten days I had always replied to questions put to me as to what were my political aspirations in that respect, that I would not stand, as I did not wish to take a prominent part in politics. But within the last four days I have received a requisition signed by suoh a lar»e numbers of the electors and inhabitants of the city, requesting me to porno for*

j ward, that I resolved to accede to their wishes. Mr. i Shephard took exception to the use of the word inhabitants in the requisition; but,'although a few of the requiaitionists were not electors, they were inhabitants, many of whom had known me for the last twenty-four years, (hear, hear,) and therequisitionists represented men of all shades of political opinions. I have been, moreover, induced to come forward because I conceive that the post to which I aspire is one of the highest honors that a man can seek here; —to take part in the deliberations of what may be called the Commons of the Colony. Out of the twenty-four years I have been in the Colony, I have devoted twenty-two of them to business ; but for the List two years I have been a man of leisure, perfectly at liberty to study the politics of the Colony; and if I am sent to the House, I shall trust to my practical business experience and judgment to pull me through with credit to myself and with satisfaction to the constituents who ropose confidence in me, and I should perform the duty to the best of my ability. (Applause.) A very grave responsibility, particularly at the present juncture of affairs in the Colony, would rest on whoever may be called to take a seat in that House. The nrt of public speaking is not my forte; but it will be generally admitted that to shine as an orator is not quite so advantageous to a constituency as to be able to take the part of a practical worker. Some of tte speakers have given me credit for the possession of indomitable perseverance; and no doubt to the operation of that faculty I havo been able to successfully master difficulties with which I have had to contend; for when once I undertake a subject I don't like, to be "licked" in compassing it; and so,! if lam returned, I should carefully apply the same perseverance to master the subjects that might come before the House ; searching them to their root, so that I would not commit myself to vote on them until I felt convinced I thoroughly understand them. I should steadfastly endeavor to support and advocate all wise legislation that was really for the benefit of the country, caring little whether it emanated from the Treasury or tho Opposition benches; and as for my ability to perform my promise, I may here quote the words of his Honor the Superintendent on the occasion of a former contest, when iie said " tho best way of discovering what a man can or was likely to do is to pay attention to what he has done," —(hear, hear, and applause)—and without making any pretentious statement, I might fairly say that I iiave done some things which have no doubt benefited myself, but I think havj also done good to the City and tho Province at large. (Hear, hear.) I have succeeded in my private affairs, but the question is, can I or can I not be equally successful for the good of the constituency nnd the Colony in any public matters which may be entrusted to me? Mr. Edwards then went into some of the leading questions of the politics of the day, which he said must necessarily tako up a large portion of the attention of tho House during the next session. THE NATIVE WAR AND TIIE NATIVE RESPONSIBILITY. The native war and difficulties, financial and otherwise, occasioned by it, would occupy the prominent place in the deliberations of the House. Every effort must be put forth to stamp out the native rebellion, —(applause),—and at any cost, for in doing so, I think the first expense will be the least, and, I believe, that there is no doubt, and that it is a fact, that the war can be put down by ourselves. I agree with the present view of Ministers with reference to J the non-interference of British, troops. We are bound, first, to make the attempt ourselves, and if that attempt is carried through with vigor and wisdom, who can say that we shall fail in the end ; at least, until we have failed, we should not admit the necessity of having British troops at all. And in any case, I would not encourage the introduction of the troops, unless the Home Government should agree to relieve the Colony, entirely, of the responsibility which we ought never to have undertaken. (Applause.) When Mr. Fox, in so unconstitutional a manner, without the consent of Parliament, advised the Governor to write to England, offering to accept all responsibility for the native affairs, that was a most disastrous movement, and was the cause of much of our present suffering, which, like the garment of Nessus, has clung to us, bringing us to the very vergo of death, and ha 3 all but destroyed the Hercules of our colonisation. (Applause.) The cost of the war is certainly one matter of serious consideration, but as for saying that Mr. Weld's policy of self-reliance had not succeeded, I say, in answer to that, that it has never had a fair trial. (Hear, hear.) One reason why we should not import British troops, is that the natives know very well that when the British troops come they will feel that they, tho natives, would be overcome, and then their cunning policy would be to make up a peace, only to renew their rebellion as soon as the troops departed. Whereas, the true policy is for the Colony to meet the difficulty itself, and make no peace with them until they are completely subdued. Do you believe that the Imperial Parliament would agree to send ' out troops who would be under the control of the G-overmnent of the Colony, to put down a war in a place where we have 210,000 white people, and only some 2000 natives in arms against us out of a population of about 40,000 ? It is true that tho largest number of the white population is located on the Middle Island, and the mass of natives in the North, but then we have not only our own forces, but we have about 1000 native allies who have done excellent service on our side. Is it likely then that the Duke of Buckingham would believe that wo had a right to ask for troops in circumstances like these ? (Hear, hear.) We must subdue the rebels, and on those cannibals and fiends, those murderers of defenceless women and children, a terrible, sharp, and condign punishment should fall, —an Indian mutiny punishment, —so that tho natives should know that such atrocities shall not be permitted in the future. (Applause.) Tho time has come to sink that false humanity which to the natives is really no mercy in the end, and that Exeter Hall philanthropy and the maudlin sentiments about tho noble savage should cease. (Renewed applause.) At the same time I must say that I blame the Government very much indeed for the total want of preparation displayed. They ought to have known, and must havo known through the Native Office, for they had frequeiit warnings, though they treated them lightly, that on the removal of the troops, the opportunity of the rebels would arrive. Mr. Weld proposed that we should hare a small standing force of from 1500 to 2000, who would have maintained the security of the country and kept the natives in check; and these I men, inspired with a true esprit de corps, would be of more service than double the number of troops if these were to bo sent only to garrison towns. (Hear, ; hear.) I also blame the Government much with reference to the Chatham Island prisoners, who are novr the cause of the disturbances at the East Cape. I blame them not only for permitting them to esoape, but for ever having sent them there ; for if they are, as it is the fashion to call them sinoe the treaty of Waitangi, British subjects, why were they nob brought to trial, and if found guilty, legally made to suffer the punishment they deserved. (Applause.) FINANCE. It is clear and admitted on all hands that something must be done for tho advancement of New Zealand, now suffering so much and so heavily overweighted by taxation. Our financial legislation has produced results which we have every day reason to deplore. Wo see around us tho evil effects of the increased burdens in a stagnant commorce and a trade depressed in all its branches; and the fall in the price of wool, one of our staple exports, adds to our want of stimulus in trade. It is a vory usual phrase in hustings speeches, and I agree with my friend and opponent in tho opinion, that rigid economy must be exercised in keeping down expenses; and I should insist on the duty of the Government adopting those principles which guide every prudent man and prosperous concern, namely, to keep the expenditure within the income. (Applause.) For myself, I never was in debt, for I never owed a pound I could not pay, arid I should hate to join any concern, governmental or otherwise, that speculated beyond its means. Simplicity of accounts has been justly referred to by Mr. Shephard, and I cannot for the life of me understand why tho accounts of the Government cannot be kept on the same principles as those adopted by banks or large mercantile houses. I haye been informed by an able authority that no accountant could understand the Government accounts under a. mouth \ whereas, if; they were kept on the

principles of double entry, a clear statement of them could be produced in a few hours. My plan would be to act towards the Provinces as a merchant would treat his customers or branch establishments, opening for each a debtor and creditor account in his ledger. I believe I could lay my hand on a man in this town who, with half-a-dozen good clerks to assist him, and the usual set of books, namely, a cash-book, journal, and ledger, with what might be called a bill book, to keep an account of the Colonial debentures, could manage the whole of the G-eneral Government accounts in a simple and understandable way. (Applause.) Luxuries of legislation, like the luxuries of private life, are pleasant things, but no Government, any more than any private man, should indulge in them, unless it can afford to po,y for them. I would support any measure leading to a revision of the tariff, which I think could be amended with great advantage to all concerned. The duty should never be allowed to rank so high as to be an encouragement, to unprincipled men to follow smuggling as a profitable trade, and at this moment I have reason for knowing that a very large amount of smuggling and illicit distillation is going on both in spirits and tobacco. This causes a large loss of revenue, and it is the duty of good government to fix the limit of taxation so as to prevent both evils. 2ROVINCIAHSM AND CENTRALISM. Then come 3 the question—Provincialism versus Centralism, which is at present occupying largely tha attention of the people of the Colony. After a calm consideration of the subject, I can assure you that if you elect me I shall not go in as an anti-Provin-cialist. I think that the Provinces have hitherto played an important and valuable part in the constitution' and progress of the Colony, but they have done their duty; and lam afraid, that from the pressure of tlieirdebrs, and other circumstances, they are now in articulo mortis; and some other and cheaper mode of governing must be resorted to, as at present there is too much legislation and expense, (hear, hear,) and if unity is strength, how can it be said that, nine imperil in imperio can end in success, especially as great weakness is produced, by bad management, and antiProvincial legislation ? Mr. Stafford, who had been termed a " far-seeing statesman," was the father of the New Provinces Act, which, together with tho great readiness with which Provincial debts were allowed, was the first stab at the vitala of Provincialism. In fact, that measure and what followed it, has killed the Provinces, and now six out of this nine ara in a state of absolute bankruptcy. (Hear, hear.) In any change that may take place I should never sanction by my vote any arrangement which would not do justice to those Provinces, which, like Nelson, have been frugal. I shall oppose any measure which fails to secure to Nelsnn the just reward of the prudence and caution by which she had been managed under Mr. Robinson, who carefully kept out of debt, for although that at the time it was termed hiding our light under a bushel, we now feel the benefit of such a course. (Applause.) The Ministry appears to have no distinct views as to what, new form may take the place of the Provinces ; and their experiment in the County of Westland having been a failure, I would not agree to any change until I saw some well considered sehemo that would justify the superseding of the Provinces. (Hear, hear.) In any change to take place it would be the duty of the Nelson Representatives to band themselves together in order to secure what is our jnst due. For my own part I think we should have taken the £140,000, even although we should suffer manifest injustice by accepting that sum, when it can be shown that £253,500 is the true amount duo ; yet I should have taken it on the principle that half a loaf is better than no bread, and I only hope we shall have the same opportunity offered to us again. (A.pplause.) INCOME TAX. I have said that I would advocate tho stamping out of the war at any cost; but the question is, how are we rain the money to meet that cost. For my part, I cannot see any means of doing this except by an Income and Property Tax (Applause.) I do not moan as Mr. Shephard does, a local tax, but a general Income Tax. (Hear, hear.) A tax which would beborno by all thosn having a certain amount of means, so that people would • be taxed according to their ability to bear it, wealthy men in consequence of their wealth, being mado large contributors to the necessary taxation of the country, and according to the pecuniary stake they have in it. (Hear, hear). It has been said by my political opponents that if elected, I should go to the House as a staunch supporter of Mr. Stafford's Ministry; but lam strongly opposed to his financial policy, and I have no personal reason to have a regard for Mr. Stafford; in fact, I have been very much illused by him. (Hear, hear.) He took advantage of a private letter I wrote him in my private capacity, and read it to tho House of Representatives, leaving the inference, and, in fact, making the statement, that I had written it as chairman of the late meeting, when it was nothing of the kind. I shall refer to that point before I have done. It has been said by my seconder that I am not much accustomed to speak, and could not speak very well, but I hope to refer to that circumstance in the House, aud at the same time to let you see and let Mr. Stafford see that I can speak, and that I will speak and will let him know my mind on the occasion. (Applause.) Ido not know that I differ very much from tho opinions professed by the opposing candidate. My claims upon you are that I have been a long time a settler in this Colony. I live in the city and mean to do it; I may somedaygo home to England, but Ishould soonreturn again and spend my days here ; for my property and interests all lie in the Colony. lam a city man, and a3 has been said a man of business, and I think as such, I ought to receive the support of the city voters, for your preference should be given to a city man, who well knows the place, aud its requirements. (Hear, hear, and applause.) After stating that lie should oppose a separation of the two islands, Mr. Edwards said : —lf I am elected by you I shall go to the House a perfectly free and independent man, looking for no office, honors, or rewards, —(hear, heai1) —and binding myself to no party. I have ample time on my hands, and I should give myself to tho study of politics as I would to a matter of husiness, and strive to do my best for the commnnity and Colony in which I live. I should endeavor to gain success, or at least to deserve it, by hard work in that direction. Politics has, hitherto, been too much a matter of theory in New Zealand. —(hear, hear) —and. that fact is well substantiated by the ridiculous Maori Representative Act, which was a great theoretic blunder, and if there were less men of theory and more of practioul business in the legislation of the Colony, it would be much better for us, (Applause). THE LATE ANTI-STAPFORD MEETING-. I must now make some remarks on the subject of that meeting about which so much has been said. (Hoar, lisar, and " Oh, let it alone.") I have been very unjustly blamed for wilfully preventing the proceedings of the meeting, when in fact all I was to blame for was in intrusting to another work which I should have done myself. I was chairman of that meeting, and was requested to telegraph tho resolutions and proceedings to Mr. Curtis to bo oommunicated to Mr. Stafford j but as that would have been very expensive, as a private tolegram of that kind would have cost aboixt £5 V Mr. Luckie said he would telegraph them as a press message to the newspapers, aud then Mr. Curtis could get them. This was a mistake, as it was putting on him the invidious ta3k of communicating disagreeablo resolutions, and should hot have been done. Next day, I called on Mr. Elliott and asked him to send the telegrams ; but ho told me that Mr. Luckie had no doubt already sent the telegrams to the Post and other papers, and that Mr. Curtis would see thorn then. I went and saw Mr. Luekie and requested him to telegraph to Mr. Curtis in my name that the resolutions were sent to tho newspapers, and that he should convoy them to Mr. Stafford. Mr. Luckie, however, did not do this, for the tolegram ho sent to Mr. Curtis merely said this, "Result of meeting telegraphed to Evening Post, which see." It was intended by me that he should have continued and have telegraphed, " And procure a copy of the resolutions to be placed in Mr. Stafford's hands." This, however, was not done, and hence the subsequent mistakes. I acknowledge I .made a mistake, as I' should have written to Mr. Stafford officially as chairman at the same time as I seqt my private note, I objected to the third reso.«

lution, as although I opposed Mr. Stafford's financial policy I thought that resolution a foolish one, and one not likely to do much good to the city, and though I agreed with the two others I could not agree with that and I said so to Mr. Stafford. As chairman of the meeting, I thought my mouth was shut, and I was prevented from expressing my dissent at the time from that resolution. (Hear, hear.) I had to go to Auckland soon after the meeting, and by the first steamer that left this for Wellington after my return, I senb copies of the resolutions as chairman, of the meeting. It was wrong in my not sending them at once, I admit; but I thought the thing had been done by telegraph through Mr. Curtis; and I remedied the error a3 soon as I came back from the North. Mr. Stafford was not ignorant of the resolutions, for it was well known that early on the day after the meeting the principal one had been telegraphed direct to himself, and he had no right whatever, to read my private note to the House, and let it be supposed that it was written in the capacity of chairman, which it was not. It was very improper treatment. (Hear, hear, and applause). THE BAIIOT. With regard to voting by ballot, my own private feeling is that the arguments in favor of the ballot do not apply to the Colonies in the same way as at Home. Ido not think there is much tendency among employers to coerce their servants, in fact, men are sometimes more independent than their masters. [A Voice :If that were true, I should not at present be out of employment.] (Hear, hear, and laughter.) At the same time I don't think the ballot would be likely to do any harm, and it may do a good deal of good, and, therefore, I should be prepared to vote for the ballot. (Applause). An Ei/ectok : Do you consider, Mr. Edwards, that by adopting the self-reliant policy we can overcome the native difficulty ? Mr. Edwards : Yes; if: might take some months to accomplish, but I believe it would certainly succeed. Dr. Irvine: Do you agree with the opinions expressed by Sir David Monro in his recent letter ? Mr. Edwabds : I do not agree with the proposal to suspend the Constitution in the North Island. I think that all the requisite objects would be obtained by the proclamation of martial law in the affected districts. Dr. Irvine : You have remarked on the confusion of the Colonial Accounts and the impossibility of people understanding them; do you think that Mr. Stafford would like to see them simplified, or that he has any purpose in that confusion ? Mr. Edwaeds : I believe that for political pur- j poses Ministers would rather maintain the system of \ mystified accounts. (Hear, hoar.) Dr. Irvine : Is it your opinion that there are any portions of money in the General Croverament's coffers that properly belong to the Provinces ? Mr. Edwards : It ii impossible to answer that question until I went carefully into the accounts. Mr. G-ibsox : What guarantee have we, seeing that you thought the resolution of the meeting Avas stupid, that you would give effect to an exprsssion of the people's opinions ? Mr. Edwards : I think that was a mistaken resolutions ; but I always intended that the whole resolutions should reach Mr. Stafford, although I did not concur with that particular resolution. (Hear, hear.) Mr. G-ibson : But the resolution was passed that the public was disgusted with Mr. Stafford; and what guarantee have we that you would not vote agaiust the wishes of the people ? Mr. Edwards : I should feel bound to give due consideration to the reasonable requests of the constituency, but at thn same time I should reserve to myself the right of private opinion, and vote. Some further remarks were made as to the late anti-Stafford meeting, regarding which Mr. Shephaud, confirmed by Dr. Irvine and Mr. Percy, said that on the proposal to telegraph to Mr.% Curtis and ask him to hand the resolutions to Mr. Stafford, an amendment was proposed and agreed to that the resolutions should not be sent through Mr. Curtis. It was also stated thai; the meeting waa at that time breaking up, and there was some confusion which might lead to some mistake. A show of hands w»s taken, which was declared to be in favor of Mr. Shephard. Mr. Edwards demanded a poll, and a vote of thanks to the Returning Officer, closed the proceedings. The poll t.iko3 place on Thurspay.