THE GERMAN PRESS ON THE TRENT AFFAIR.

Colonist, Volume V, Issue 465, 8 April 1862, Page 3

THE GERMAN PRESS ON THE TRENT AFFAIR.

The unconditional surrender of Messrs. Mason and Slidell has naturally awakened greac interest in Germany. In the North, more especially in Prussia, where the merits of the question have been, as a rule, sifted and discussed on the strictest grounds of impartiality, the tone of the articles that now appear upon the happy termination of the dispute corresponds with the attitude hitherto maintained by the daily press of the country.

Far otherwise has been the conduct of Austrian journalists, both before and after the issue of the quarrel!. A State like that belonging to the Hapsburg dynasty, in itself ever upon the brink of dissolution, owing to the discordant elements of which it is composed and externally unable to make a successful resistance to foreign attack in consequence of the rotten state of its finances —cannot be expected to exhibit a very decorous behaviour in the face of imminent danger. Even a quarrel between distant neighbours is an event too pregnant with evils nearer home to allow scope for the display of a dignified equanimity. While the Anglo-American dispute was still in suspense, the Austrian press accordingly, both in its official and non-official capacity, exhaled the atmosphere of universal peace and good will from its columns. Tlie quiet of the world must surely not be broken; anything rather than that. How could people fight, when it was the duty of every one rather to live in peace each man with his neighbour? At times the fear of European convulsions succeeding the outbreak of a war between England and America would get entirely the upper hand of the writers' discretion, and the bare contemplation of the certain results, in that event, availing Austria, encumbered as she was with so many disobedient children and such a disorderly household, would lead them into unseemly exhibitions of fear. The characteristic difference in the way of looking upon the same question by the two great German powers is even displayed in the respective notes of their foreign ministers. The Prussian Secretary for Foreign Affairs writes simply, yet firmly, resting his suggestions upon the inalienable rights indisputably belonging to neutrals. In the Austrian note, on the other hand— which by the bye, is remarkable for the animus displayed towards the Americans, as well as for the cool impertinence of its recommendations —Count llechberg bases his arguments for the preservation of peace upon the desirability of universal brotherhood and good will.

It is not to be expected, then, that, when the danger is over, they are going so easily to forgive England for having caused them such a fright. She is brave enough in attacking a foe who is already pretty well occupied, and can only fight with one arm ; but let Napoleon break the law of nations, and lay his hand upon a Savoy or Nice, and the British lion is but too ready to keep its eyes half dosed, and its royal tail in tranquil indolence between its legs. But we may now see what the Austrian press has to say about the matter. For this purpose it will not be necessary to quote any other organ than the Presse This journal is professedly the Liberal paper of Vienna, but it is has lately acquired the reputation of being able, when occasion offers, to represent the views and opinions of any party with an impartiality that can-

not be too highly admired. On the receipt of the intelligence announcing the willingness of Mr. Seward to deliver up the Confederate commissioners to Lord Lyons, the Presse pronounces as follows:—

The storm wliich has threatened Europe is allayed at last. It needed strong nerves and an unshakable confidence during this long and anxious period of suspense to remain undisturbed alike by the war-whoop of the Times, the Morning Post, and by the breath of the Paris press, systematically fanning the flames of war, and to keep fast by the belief that we should be spared one of the most wanton, and. from the peculiar motives prompting it, one of the basest wars that the world has ever witnessed. The healthy intelligence of the Transatlantic Republicans has triumphed over the subtle suggestions of national pride, and the allurements of an unhealthy ambition. President Lincoln and his cabinet were sure of having the whole of the American people at their back in the event of a war with England. Of course the Americans would not be able at first to cope with tlie colossal navies of Great Britain, though they might easily inflict immeasurable damage upon her large and widelyextended commerce ; of course they would have had two enemies upon their hands, but a young, energetic people of twenty millions could have brought even to this giant task the strength necessary to achieve a success. The Washington Cabinet had accustomed itself to look the most revolutionary policy iv the face, and the recognition, accordingly, of (.be Southern States by England would have been more than counterbalanced by the public announcement of the emancipation oi the slaves. An English attack on land was out of the question. The half-million bayonets already at the disposal of the Government would be doubled in time of need, and be precipitated with all the rage of despair upon the rebels of the South, who, in spite of their new English allies, would be speedily vanquished, as, indeed, they must now expect to be in a very short time.

The Washington Cabinet, however, thought over their responsibility, and tho dangers awaiting a warlike determination on their part against England. Their duty to the country forbade all thoughts of self, and, without hesitation or unnecessary dalliance, the ministers resolved upon the delivery of the prisoners to Lord Lyons.

According to European ideas, and the Morning Post does not at such a moment hesitate to become their exponent, some elements of humiliation are mixed up in the very act of submission. To vindicate insulted feelings, and render back defiance for insult, to recklessly stake upon a false notion of honor the existence of states, the Jives of hundreds of thousands, and tho happiness and property of millions—that is the way of modern diplomacy. The Americans, who have been subjected to so much contumely in consequence of their deficiency in enormous, well-drilled armies, and extravagant navies, that devour their millions: these Americans, we say, did not account it an indignity or humiliation to yield to the demand for satisfaction, especially when humanity required the submission, when wisdom had sanctioned it, and right had recommended it

And thus is the heavy burden rolled away that for a whole month past has weighed so heavily upon two quarters of the globe. America has left her hands free, in order that she may the more speedily become master of the Southern States, and Europe may congratulate herself upon the improved security for peace thus assured by the unembarrassed state of the power of Great Britain. Wherever the telegraph wires shall have conveyed the news of peace a joyful feeling will spontaneously arise. Only one man in Europe—the silent dweller upon the throne in the Tuileries—is dejected and cast down by what he cannot but consider as a hard blow for many of his projects. He has neglected nothing in his attempts to kindle this shocking Anglo-American war—a war which would have been the grave of all further development of British power. His instincts, however, have for once deceived him-—this time fortuue was untrue to his plan—and England, moreover, arises out of the turmoil of busy preparation with new strength arising from the moral victory she has won. We, as well as all European States that are threatened by the policy of the Tuileries, have no reason to grudge England her latest success; but we cannot rid ourselves of the reflection that Savoy and Nice would never have been annexed, and that the preponderance of Napoleonism would never have lain so heavy a burden upon Europe, had she, on those occasions, displayed but half the firmness and determination which have been brought out by the Trent affair. Perhaps it ia one of the wholesome consequences of this British success that she will in future evince the same courage against the strong wliich she has just manifested in so prodigal a manner towards Brother Jonathan in his time of need, and separated from her by the waters of an ocean. We here see the true art of being' nasty.' It is only necessary to keep the attention of the hearer on the gui vive during the delivery of a string of doubtful compliments, and then, after missing and sputtering for the required length of the charge, bounce off the scene into darkness""with a bang in the tail like a squib. With more pleasure we will now turn to the Cologne Gazette. After alluding to the general relief experienced by the news of the happy termination of the dispute that had been occasioned by the ' violent procedure of the rough old American sea captain,' the writer proceeds as follows :—

We rejoice that right and reason have gained the victory over passion in Washington. Doubtless a feeling of right had the smallest share in shaping the decision of President Lincoln. The Americans will not acknowledge that the commissioners of the Southern States were taken out of the English ship contrary to law. It cannot be denied that the circumstances were such as at first sight to easily confirm the Americans in their own point of view. Our paper was among the first which, immediately upon the arrival of the news of the forcible abduction—a scene already familiarised to every peasant in the country hy the millions of pictures now hung up in the various taverns and beer-houses—hastened to discuss the question on the ground ol law and right iv as detailed and impartial a manner as possible. In Europe, with so few exceptions as scarcely to deserve mention, there prevailed the most general unanimity, both of the Governments and of the peoples, upon tho matter, and the universal verdict was that the Americans were not justified in their violent procedure Up to tho Crimean war the English, by their naval supremacy, had it in their power to dispose of the rights of neutrals iv their own way. Until that time they had been guilty of a long series of violations against this particular class. Yet not one single instance can be found, which could at all palliate the forcible seizure of persons on board a neutral ship that was sailing from one neutral harbor to another. Captain Wilks has been honest enough to acknowledge that he himself entertained considerable doubt upon the matter before lie determined upon the course adopted by him. He knew that he might take the despatches of an enemy out of a neutral ship ; but as to persons—well upon that score he had his scruples. He, however, quieted his conscience by considering Messrs. Mason and Slidell as the ' embodiment 'of despatches ! We cannot, we confess, consider it an improvement upon this American witticism when a German paper calls theso gentlemen the ' conveyers of oral despatches.' How that, which, in the mouth of the old American sealion, is naivete, may proceed to rank ruffianism, it is not now wot th the trouble to enter into any serious discussion upon. Enough that Europe is agreed-upon the fact that tlie Americans are in the wrong; and, even supposing that the rights of the case were at all doubtful, it is quite clear that they have altogether failed in the matter of form. If the latter had been properly observed, the ship ought to have been taken away, and adjudged by a prize court; men should not have been stolen

out of a neutral ship. As far as we know, no search whatever was made for despatches—none, at all events, were found.

The article then alludes to the friendly and forbearing manner in which Lord Lyons was instructed to bring the determination of the British Government to the knowledge of the American Cabinet, a recital which is already so familiar to your readers. It next speaks of the tremendous consequences staring Mr. Seward in the face, in the event of his refusal of the English demands:

The feeling of right in the United States has been unfortunately weakened of lato in the most deplorable manner. We do not speak of the reckless attitude maintained against other nations, but more particularly of the treatment the laws receive at the hands of the American people. How often have criminals and murderers escaped free under the influences of political passion, and been carried away amid the tumultuous hurrahs of lawless mobs! How often have deeds of violence desecrated the sanctuary of the law, the Capitol of Washington ! No ; it is not from any feeling of right that the delivery of the prisoners has been determined upon ; it is the hopeless and helpless condition in which the Union would find itself, if engaged in a war with England, that has prompted their resolution in this extremity.' After speaking of the position of the contending armies, and the enormous daily expense, the writer says: 'The Southern States would be immediately acknowlegcd, their blockade raised, and the weak fleet of America swept from off the face of tho sea by the thousand war ships of England. There is also little chance of a successful attack upon Canada. England has already thrown 10,000 men into Canada, and the sea is her highway. . . . The English, doubtless, would not unwillingly see a curtailment of American power by a division into two halves of the rising republic on the other side of tho ocean. But they have no real ground for adding to the burdens of the Americans: but thoir neutrality has been tried to the utmost iv their recognition of a blockade which can scarcely be considered as carried out. The prattle that those people who hear the grass growing under their feet indulge iv with respect to the abduction of Messrs. Mason and Slidell being only another intrigue of L>rd Palmerston's is all fablt) and nonsense. England rejoices that we remain at peace ; and there are Americans who take away from the value of the submission by threatening to remember the grudge against her at a future opportunit}'. England could not act otherwise; and if a lesson arises out of the trent affair, it is this, that she will do well iv future to respect the rights of neutrals, as it also may fall to her lot to claim those rights. We can easily put up with the feeling of inquietude caused by this untoward affair, if it leads to a development of the claims of humanity in tho matter of maritime rights.'