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Colonist, Volume IV, Issue 341, 25 January 1861, Page 4

a Wellington nor a Washington ; but I should have thought much more highly of Dr. Monro's sincerity and patriotism if he had said a great deal more about Colonel Gold's misconduct in the House of Representatives and a great deal less at his various electioneering meetings; if he had shown him up in his true light when he was in the plenitude of his power, and said nothing about him after lie had become perfectly harmless, but a more distant and more safe object of attack. Should the war not be brought to a close, or its conduct greatly altered, when your representatives meet, it will be their first duty to enquire who or what has prevented our soldiers from acting as British soldiers always do when properly directed. A well-founded, firm, and disinterested expression of opinion from the people's representatives could not be resisted ; and the obstacle to our success, whatever it may be, must be removed at any price, since a war conducted as this thas hiherto been will not "convince the natives of our power," but of our weakness and folly, and lead us to nothing but ruin and disaster, misery and humiliation. With regard to the measures that have recently been proposed for the future management of the natives, you will readily believe that I should not have felt disposed to subject myself or any of my fellow colonists to " three years' imprisonment, and a fine of five hundred pounds'' at the option of a single Justice of the Peace; but I should have been quite disposed to support a very stringent measure to ensure the prevention of any more arms being sold to the natives. The Native Offenders Bill I should certainly not have supported. Anything that would have compelled the natives to make themselves independent of those European comforts and luxuries, which they have now so largely adopted, would have necessarily made them more dangerous and unmanageable enemies in this inaccessible' and mountainous country. The nominee native council, which is to possess no practical power, is simply an addition to the frightful number of officials to be supported by this small community. The same amount of money spent in giving a complete English education to a few hundred native j children, would have been infinitely more likely to accomplish some useful purpose. The amount of debt incurred by the present ministry in time of peace, appears to me to be quite sufficient to prove to any thinking man that such an administration would take but a very short time to bring the colony to a state of hopeless insolvency. Borrowing money for their successors to pay, except in cases of great emergency, is not only an imprudent, but a decidedly unjust course for any ministry to pursue, and one which would never be allowed by any House of Representatives that did not contain by far too large a proportion of tax receivers, of men who are more interested in the emolument to be obtained from Government, that in the solvency and ultimate prosperity of the colony. No British ministry would have dreamt of proposing to a British parliament, even in a time of war, to borrow the same amount of monsy in proportion to the population which the present ministry had been allowed to borrow m a time of peace. I believe borrowing money to be a more dangerous and delusive expedient for a community than it even is for an individual, and I should always be more disposed to support a Government that would, honestly and courageously meet its own expenses, however great, than one which took upon itself the very pleasant and profitable business of spending, and left its successors to find out some means of paying their debts. One of the first things which I should be anxious to reform in the House of Representatives is the constitution of the House itself. Nothing appears to me made more self-evident than that the measures proposed by any executive should be submitted to the consideration and examination of those who are quite at liberty to adopt, alter, or reject them as they please, and therefore not to those who, holding office under, and receiving payment from the Government, can only be expected to aid as the mere servants or assistants of the Government by which they are employed; and itappears even more unconstitutional and absurd for taxes to be raised and debts to be incurred by those who have to receive and not to pay them. A Colonial Secretary, a Solicitor, and perhaps a Treasurer are necessary evils in this way; their presence in the House is necessary to explain the measures and intentions of the Executive of which they form a principal part; and it is perhaps as well that they should be allowed to vote, as their own votes will generally be only about a fair set off against the votes of the place-hunters who are anxiously endeavoring to supplant them, and who are therefore pretty sure to be dissatisfied with everything they propose, but nothing can be more undesirable than that the votes and wishes of the independent members oftho House should be nullified by the votes of Land Commissioners and other paid servants of the Government ; nor can I understand how any intelligent constituencies can be induced to commit such a suicidal act as to choose for their representatives men in such a position; men who are not at liberty to consult their intrests, but who will naturally and almost necessarily support whatever government happens to have their office and salary at their disposal. The District Court has, I understand, been condemned by a resolution of the late House, and will, I trust, be abolished by the new one. The hardship and suffering endured by some unfortunate debtors; the improper expense incurred by the. colony for the support of themselves and their families, and the unnecessary loss sustained by creditors, should long since have pointed out the necessity for some new law relating to insolvency. I should be disposed to support a law that abolished imprisonment for debt altogether, bnt rendered a fraudulent debtor liable to be punished as a criminal. Such a law should offer every encouragement to an early and equitable com. promise between a debtor and his creditors. I shall not trouble you with any remarks about the New Provinces Act. I see its warmest supporters do not now attempt to defend the manner in which it has been made to apply to this Province. It is I am sure unnecessary for me or any other resident in the Middle Island to say that he would not consent to the land fund of this Island being taken for the purchase of land in the North Island, nor do I believe that any member of the House of Representatives ever seriously proposed anything of the sort, although I see that both parties in the House now accuse their opponents of having some design of, that kind. And this reminds me that I ought to s<?y something about what I cannot designate by any more appropriate name than the electioneering cry which the late representatives of this Province appear to have so unanimously agreed on. Two of the members for the province of Wellington, Messrs. Featherston and Fox, are painted by them all in the blackest possible colors. Mr. Kelling could "discern their bad motives afar off." Dr. Monro has now discovered that the man he used to hold up to our poor common-place Superintendent as a pattern of eloquence, enterprize, and statesmanship, is very extravagant and very inconsistent, and has succeeded in bringing his own province to a state of bankruptcy; and that Mr. Fox is all this and a great deal more. Mr. Curtis has exhibited such an extensive knowledge of the ''Wellington party's" motives and intentions that I should think lie must have been extremely intimate with them, although Mr. Wemyss informs us that they were guilty of the most traitorous correspondence with the rebel Wi Kingi. But, notwithstanding all these grave charges, we are told by the same honorable members that these very black legs would be the " inevitable''successors of the present ministers. Altogether I think you will agree with me that these gentlemen are endeavoring to prove by far too much for their own case, and that if these Wellington men are one twentieth part so unreasonable, so unjust, so un-English, and so traitorous as they are represented to us; it would be a great insult to the Governor and to the House of Representatives to suppose for one moment that such men would be deliberately chosen by the Governor, and supported by a majority of the House of Representatives; both of which must be done before they could become the " successors" of the present ministers. I must however admit that if I go to the House of Representatives, I shall go by no means prejudiced in favor of Wellington men or Wellington pretensions, which are not always of a very modest description ; but no dread of them will prevent me from attempting to " stir-up " or even to weed any Ministry that I may conscientiously believe to require it. I hope the new House of Representatives will not be without men of sufficient common sense, prudence, and honesty to form more than one Executive. But there is nothing that I would more anxiously avoid than the slightest approach to that purely factious opposition to any existing Government, which is generally more mischievous than the most servile and unenquiring support. I am, Gentlemen, Your obedient Servant, ALFRED BAUNDERS. * Richmond, December 8,1880.