YEAR OF DESTINY

Te Awamutu Courier, Volume 62, Issue 4378, 15 January 1941, Page 5

YEAR OF DESTINY

GREAT BRITAIN ENTERS THE CRITICAL HOURS

WAR PROBLEMS AND REORGANISATION

(Published by arrangement with the Sydney Morning Herald.)

LONDON, Ist January. Stripped of all the illusions and fond hopes with which they watched the year 1940 come in, Britons said good-bye to the Old Year while the oke of the burning ruins of Lonubn’s most beautiful and most anicent monuments filled their nostrils. Every Briton realises that the real battle-front now lies on the shores of these islands, and that ultimate victory and freedom depend on the staunchness, tenacity, and sacrifice of the British people themselves. In spite of the suggestion of shattering blows rained on Britain since last May, Mr Chamberlain’s ringing phrases are regarded as the truest description" of the spirit in which Britons are facing the war, although the “ finest hour ” seems to be in the far-distant future. The grimness is growing steadily grimmer. The gaiety is tempered by recollections of past perils and sacrifices and unflinching anticipation of the greater perils, greater sacrifices, and blood, tears, toil, and sweat still ahead.

The remarkable change in public opinion in recent months is best mea-

sured by the calmness with which good news is greeted and the determination to force the Government to take steps to meet the urgent problems of production, finance, and manpower.

Without regret, Britain turns its back on the disastrous year of 1940, and appreciates with gusto the satirical appraisal of a highly-placed authoritv who is reported to have said: “ Britain is winning the war by a series of disasters. I am not so sure that it is not the best way. It always works.” People are more and more sizing un the problems of the new year, of which there is a formidable list. “ IS IT BEGINNING ? ”

The grim prospect of an invasion of Britain is ever present. Nobody hears the air-raid sirens without wondering: “ Is this the beginning ? ” Britons do not require the eye-witness testimony of the people of Dover to convince them that enemy gun flashes are visible from the shores of England. They never hear the whistle of bombs or watch the leaping flames of burning buildings without realising that the Battle for Britain is at present undecided and is still raging.

Always uppermost in their mind is the potential danger of the French fleet falling into German hands and French industrial resources being converted for use against Britain. Consequently, Britons are watching the unfolding drama on the French stage with anxiety. They are not building too high hopes on the results of the vitality of General de Gaulle’s Free French movement, on reports of sabotage in French industries through the passive resistance of the workers on the stiffening attitude with which the Vichy Government is now meeting Germany’s pressure, and on the apparent determination of Admiral Darlan, the Minister for the Navy, to maintain the integrity of the French fleet. There is a lack of optimistic hope that France will join with Britain again, but fears that France will oppose Britain are fading. Publication of the monthly figures of shipping losses does not allow the public to overlook the fact of the relentless German counter-blockade. Reports in the last few days of an attack on an Atlantic convoy and the shelling of Nauru indicate that the Royal Air Force is unable to block up all the loopholes through which surface raiders are able to emerge. Reports that Germany has embarked on a large-scale U-boat building programme do not escape notice, nor the fact that Germany’s aerial attacks on shipping have not been without success, nor the rumours that the German Air Force is experimenting wih new high-speed, long-range bombers. QUESTION OF OUT-STAYING. On the other hand, it is recognised that, whereas Britain looses ships because she continues to use the seas, Germany does not lose ships because her mercantile marine has been driven from the seas. Britons appreciate that while Germany is building Üboats we are building hunting craft. Moreover, it is known that we are experimenting with long-range, highspeed fighters and faster bombers. Britons retain their faith in the iron hand of the blockade, but they no longer expect immediate results from it, being content to allow the grip to tighten slowly and inexorably.

It is recognised that the German Air Force’s ferocious attacks on London and the provinces—a continuance and intensification of which is grimly awaited—are part of the counterblockade, designed equally to impede production, wreck transport, and destroy civilian morale. Consequently, Britons, both as

front-line workers in the factories at! as citizens in their homes, are de rmined to carry on, recognising tW. ’ their failure to stand up to the bl : Itings in either Irole would be equally as disastrous as ineptitude or cowardice in sailors or soldiers. Recognition of this explains more than any other factor the amazing fortitude of the civilian population and the maintenance of production in factories located in the devastated districts. It also explains the few industrial stoppages. The Government has recognised this equality of status of civilians and soldiery by

creating the George Cross Medal. Civilians know that it is a question of out-staying the Germans, who also are subjected to bombings of increasing intensity. There is quiet confidence that it will not be ourselves who give in first. Despite their determination to stand alone if necessary, the eyes of Brit-

ons turn more and more frequently across the Atlantic, confident in the hope—to which President Roosevelt’s fireside broadcast lends weight—that the other great democracy will not see the British Empire grappling in a life-and-death struggle without giving the maximum aid.

It is believed that the intervention of American armed forces is unnecessary, but it is not believed by the average Briton that the United States will allow any question of finance to prevent aeroplanes, tanks, guns, and ships from going to Britain in a steadily-growing stream. The “ death-bed speech ” of the British Ambassador, Lord Lothian, shocked the British public, which does not realise the tremendous drain that the “ cash and carry ” policy has imposed on the dollar reserves. It is doubtful whether the man-in-the-street at present realises the complexity of the problem facing the American Government and manufacturers. . It is asking a great deal of American industrialists to request them to spend millions of dollars on tooling plants for a customer who frankly admits that he is unable to see how he will be able to pay for orders a few months hence, if it is not a question of goodwill, and the man-in-the-street intuitively believes that the American President and people will find a way out of the difficulty. Consideration of Home Front problems rightly occupies the chief place in the thoughts of Britons, since on Britain’s efforts will finally rest the result of the war.

A strong spirit of healthy criticism is daily growing more informed and vocal, despite the fervent faith in Mr Churchill or the pre-destined leader of the British Empire at its moment of greatest trial. Criticism of the Home Front policj’ is directed, first, at the Government’s failure to speed up production by the process of relentlessly weeding out vested interests, red tape, and archaic technique. The problem is largely a technical one, but it is noteworthy that public opinion unhesitatingly condemns the existence of 800,000 unemployed and the continuance of many unessential, luxury, or semiluxury trades, the employees of which could be better used in factories producing war materials. Well-informed critics point out the serious shortage of skilled workmen, the reluctance to recruit thousands of women, and the utter inadequacy of the Government training schemes. They also suggest that machine-tool control is insufficiently rigorous, and that it allows some factories not to use their tools to the maximum, while other factories are urgently needing the same tools, the lack of which is causing “ bottle-necks.” It is also suggested that the raw material controls are over-weighted with trade representatives, whose reactions to war-time needs and emergencies are sub-consciously governed bv consideration of post-war difficulties. BEGINNING OF INFLATION.

Second, there is criticism of financial policy, or the lack of it, which is rapidly leading to inflation. The beginnings of inflation are already painfully obvious in the rising price level, the partially uncontrolled wage levels, the steadily rising cost of prime commodities and services, such as. iron, steel, coal, and railway freights, and the soaring short-term debt. Criticism of the Government in this respect is based not on too much but on insufficient interference with economic trends. This has led to demands for a considerable extension of rationing and price control plans Labour leaders are perturbed at the trend, but are forced in self-defence, lacking a definite Government lead, to join in the scramble for higher wages. As a result the ‘‘vicious spiral ” is already beginning. The tax burden has reached a weight that would be considered intolerable 'in peace-time. Nevertheless, the present scale of taxation and borrowing is insufficient to meet the terrific costs of the war, leaving a huge balance to be met by unspecified means—in other words, inflation. Consequently, Mr J. M. Keynes’ scheme for compulsory savings which was first enunciated at the beginning of the war, is now receiving further consideration, as well as revolutionay proposals for a super-supertax and capital levy. THE SOCIAL PROBLEMS.

Third, there are problems of social reorganisation both during and after the war.

The depth of public feeling on these matters is probably not realised by the public itself, but the relentless demands for a wider and broader shelter policy, including communal meals and health services, were a spontaneous exhibition of the deepseated belief that the present war is not being fought to perpetuate existing social evils. British workers are determined uncomplainingly to accept any sacrifices arising from the war, but they are equally determined to see that the sacrifices are made by all classes alike and to prevent the amassing of wartime fortunes, as was the case in the last war.

The Government’s realisation of this feeling has been exhibited in the 100 per cent Excess Profits Tax, and the democratisation of the armed forces.

In buses, workshops, and air-raid shelters the conviction is steadily growing that the struggle will not end when the lights come on aagin in blacked-out Europe. “ So long as it remains true that war or preparation for war is the only effective remedv for unemployment.” declares the Times hi a leading article. “ wars will continue, however cunning the machinery devised to prevent them.”