The Sun MONDAY, MARCH 12, 1917. THE HOME RULE PROBLEM.

Sun (Christchurch), Volume IV, Issue 962, 12 March 1917, Page 6

The Sun MONDAY, MARCH 12, 1917. THE HOME RULE PROBLEM.

In view of all Ihe circumstances it is a great pity that the Home Rule question should have been revived at a time when it was never more necessary that the Empire should present an undivided front to the common foe. The bona fides of Mr T. P. O'Connor can scarcely be doubled, but his resolution, which resulted in an exceedingly acrimonious debate between the Government and the Nationalists, might well have been postponed until happier days. In support of his appeal the veteran Nationalist member told the Government that the delay in granting Home Rule had driven many Nationalists into the ranks of the insubordinate elements —which can well be believed. But that hardly justifies the heat with which Mr Redmond attacked and almost threatened the Prime Minister. The problem is one that lias so far defied solution. The Nalionalisls will not consider Home Rule without (lie inclusion of Ulster. The Prime Minister declares, as Mr Asquith has declared on previous occasions, that Ulster must and shall not be coerced. Something resembling a working compromise appeared to have been reached when Mr Lloyd George, then Minister gf Munitions, met Mr Redmond in conference, when it was agreed that the six counties of Ulster should be temporarily excluded from any scheme of home government for Ireland. The optimists, however, were soon disillusioned. The (hen Administration repudiated the arrangement, and laid it down that Ulster was not to be forced, either during the war or ! after, into a settlement. That decision was as salt in the wounds of the Nationalists. It was clear that unless they accepted Home Rule with-

out Ulster there could be no Home Rule for Ireland unless Ulster voluntarily consented to inclusion, and tliere are no indications either that Ulster is that way inclined or could he persuaded. Mr Asquilh's suggestion that the colonial statesmen might he asked to lend a hand in propounding a solution of the problem does not hold much promise, even if the Overseas representatives now in London were able and willing to offer effective counsel on the matter. Mr Lloyd George seems to have gone as far as he can when, in reply to -Mr Redmond, he offered Home Rule to those parts of Ireland that wanted it. Ulster does not want it, and therein lies the crux of the whole sad business. The Nationalist leader hinted that if Mr Lloyd George cared to use his authority and influence he could move Sir Edward Carson and his friends to bring Ulster round to the Nationalist way of thinking, hut that idea is transparently hopeless. No star shines in the Home Rule heavens. The Nationalists, in acting as they have done, have alienated a lot of neutral sympathy. If they can, they intend to have Ulster with them against her will, and were the Government to be a party to such a scheme it would only evoke political antagonh .1 a.id recrimination of the most violent character. The principle of the rights of the smaller nations has no application to Ireland. In the last decade Ireland has experienced substantial economic and social improvement as the result of an awakened Imperial policy. Apart from that aspect, Ireland is just as vitally interested in the world-war as any other part of Imperial Britain, and the Nationalists are doing the Empire's cause a grave disservice by persevering in a line of political action which can at present lead nowhere but to regrettable division and distractions. And they may be certain of one thing, and that is that the Imperial Government will not compel Ulster to the Home Rule pact against her will. If that is the case, the Nationalists should recognise the futility of their persisting in their present policy, and call a halt, leaving Britain free to exert her aggregate might against Germany.